News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
March 25, 2005
Academic freedom is getting more public attention that it has in many years. This week, legislation advanced in Florida to create an “Academic Bill of Rights” that many professors find deeply offensive. And the sponsor’s statements about professors left many of them furious. Meanwhile, in New York City, Columbia University’s president gave a talk outlining the history of academic freedom — and suggesting that faculty members need to consider the appropriateness of pushing some views past a certain point in the classroom.
Fighting in Florida
Florida is the latest state to see political fighting — some of it nasty — over the Academic Bill of Rights. The legislation was created by David Horowitz, the one-time campus radical whose politics have shifted rightward and who argues that liberal professors use their classrooms to indoctrinate students. The legislation requires faculty members to expose their students to a wide variety of viewpoints — a requirement that professors say will leave them vulnerable to complaints every time they express a strong opinion.
A House of Representatives committee approved the legislation Wednesday, and the sponsor of the bill — an ally of Florida’s governor, Jeb Bush — reinforced the fears of many professors with his rhetoric, much of which he repeated in an interview on Thursday.
Rep. Dennis K. Baxley said his own undergraduate education at Florida State University — in the 1970s — illustrated the failings of higher education: The problem was that an anthropology professor “did a tirade” in his course that evolution was correct and that creationism was not. Baxley said that students should not “get blasted” as he did for not believing in evolution.
Baxley said that faculties have too many “leftist totalitarian niches” and that lawmakers want to do something about the fact that “we’ve allowed universities to become an extreme leftist stronghold.”
Many state legislatures have lawmakers who share Baxley’s views, but most states have just held hearings on the legislation. The movement in Florida — where after other committee reviews, the House is considered likely to pass the bill — upsets many academics. (Governor Bush has not taken a public stand, and the Senate is considered more skeptical.)
Tom Auxter, president of the United Faculty of Florida, said that the legislation “looks like a nice shiny apple with all its talk about academic freedom, but there are razors in that apple.”
Auxter, a professor of philosophy at the University of Florida, said that the bill’s purpose is to make every faculty member afraid of offending conservative students. “This is about intimidating professors,” he said, adding that it was “ridiculous” for Baxley to suggest that it was wrong for a professor to tell his students that evolution is in fact true.
“If he had a bad experience 30 years ago, get over it,” Auxter said.
Auxter added that he fears the impact of the legislation on the progress Florida’s colleges have made in recruiting top scholars. “We’ve been quite successful in bringing nationally known professors into the state,” he said. “If we accept this bill, we will have killed all the recruiting efforts of the last 20 years.”
History in New York City
Meanwhile in New York City Wednesday night, Lee Bollinger, Columbia’s president, gave a talk about academic freedom. Bollinger’s address — before the Association of the Bar of the City of New York — came amid a debate at his university over whether professors of Middle Eastern studies have intimidated supporters of Israel. Critics of the professors say that they limit the rights of their students, while the professors’ defenders say that the critics refuse to accept professors who are critical of Israel. A Columbia panel is currently reviewing the situation.
In his talk, Bollinger reviewed the current debates over Horowitz’s bill and Ward Churchill and other controversial professors. But after examining the history of academic freedom, he turned to the question of what faculty members should do (or not do) in terms of pushing their views in the classroom.
“In the classroom, especially, where we perhaps meet our highest calling, the professor knows the need to resist the allure of certitude, the temptation to use the podium as an ideological platform, to indoctrinate a captive audience, to play favorites with the like-minded and silence the others. To act otherwise is to be intellectually self-indulgent,” Bollinger said.
“This responsibility belongs to every member of every faculty, but it poses special challenges on those of us who teach subjects of great political controversy. Given the deep emotions that people — students and professors both — bring to these highly charged discussions, faculty must show an extraordinary sensitivity to unlocking the fears and the emotional barriers that can cause a discussion to turn needlessly painful and substantively partial.” At the same time, however, Bollinger said that it would be a “grave mistake” for professors to avoid controversial subjects.
While Bollinger repeatedly defended the right of professors to hold unpopular views, he also spoke of the duty of faculties to draw lines around conduct that isn’t appropriate.
“We should not elevate our autonomy as individual faculty above every other value,” he said. “We should not accept the argument that our professional norms cannot be defined and therefore transgressions must be accepted without consequences. We, as faculty, properly have enormous autonomy in the conduct of our teaching and our scholarship. Yet, it will not do simply to say that the professional standards within which that autonomy exists are too vague for any enforcement at all.”
When there are problems, he said, it must be the colleges, not government officials, who deal with them.
“As we have witnessed throughout recent history, the outside world will sometimes find the academy so dangerous and threatening that efforts will naturally arise to make decisions for us about whom we engage and what we teach,” Bollinger said. “This must not be allowed to happen. We must understand, just as we have come to with freedom of speech generally, that the qualities of mind we need in a democracy — especially in times of crisis — are precisely what the extraordinary openness of the academy is designed to help achieve — and what will necessarily seem dangerous and threatening when our intellectual instincts press us, to be single minded or, to put it another way, of one mind. In a democracy, that’s what we must be wary of.”
Leaders of Columbia’s Senate were unavailable to comment on the speech Thursday. But one of Columbia’s toughest critics had praise for it. Charles Jacobs, president of the David Project, which has organized the criticism of Columbia’s professors of Middle Eastern studies, said Bollinger’s comments about professors “were exactly what he should say” about professors in the classroom.
“I think he’s right to chide those who would use the podium in an ideological way,” he said.
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Scott Jaschik’s recent article, (Academic Freedom Wars, 03/25), states that the Florida legislation based on our Academic Bill of Rights would require instructors to “expose their students to a wide variety of viewpoints—a requirement that professors say will leave them vulnerable to complaints every time they express a strong opinion.”
This is incorrect. First, the bill does not say that professors must express a wide variety of views, but that they should provide students “access to a broad range of serious scholarly opinion pertaining to the subjects they study,” emphasis added. In other words, they should make students aware of the views that the scholarly community considers significant on the academic topics they are covering. Isn’t this something that faculty should already be doing?
The University of Florida apparently thinks so. The Rules of the Department of Education for the University of Florida state that “The University student must ... have the opportunity to study a full spectrum of ideas, opinions, and beliefs, so that the student may acquire maturity for analysis and judgment. Objective and skillful exposition of such matters is the duty of every instructor.” This existing regulation is more stringent than the language of the Florida bill, yet instructors have not lined up to oppose it.
The problem with existing regulations like the Department of Education rule is that they are often hidden away in faculty handbooks or in obscure section sof the university own rules, where no one is aware of them, so that they are not observed or enforced. The Florida bill would remedy this situation by requiring that students, faculty and instructors be fully informed of their rights. The academic community – and InsideHigherEd should support our efforts to see that these existing rights are enforced.
Sincerely, Sara Dogan National Campus DirectorStudents for Academic Freedom
Sara Dogan, at 9:26 pm EST on March 25, 2005
Exposing students to a wide range of opposing viewpoints and allowing them to express their own ideas and opinions is a legitimate demand for professors and students alike. But I have yet to see any clear evidence that this isn’t the dominant practice in every accredited, non-religious college and university in the country. The examples cited by the SAF are inevitably shown to be exaggerated, fallacious, or isolated, and don’t in any way reflect a dominant trend towards “liberal authoritarianism” in American education. In fact, there are few academics who tolerate authoritarianism of any kind—it’s anathema to their very existence as scholars.
This nonsense about not giving creationism equal time with evolution is a red herring debate if I’ve ever heard one. Creationism gets plenty of air-time in every course on religion, theology, mythology, and literature that deals with origin stories (not to mention in every church in the country). It doesn’t get “equal time” in science courses because it’s not a theory derived through scientific method, and isn’t accountable to scientific testing—thus, it isn’t science. This isn’t “liberal” or “authoritarian” or “communist” thinking, it’s rational, scientific thinking. It’s been the foundation of all Western science and technology since the Englightenment. Attempts to circumvent these standards of evaluation are pretty obviously reactionary and regressive in their aims.
Politically speaking, it’s probably true that there’s a preponderance of liberals in the academy. That’s because academic careers inevitably entail questioning, challenging, revising and sometimes subverting traditional assumptions and traditions (i.e. the status quo), the sacred cows of conservative thinking. But questioning and challening isn’t the same thing as “imposing” or “coercing,” and it doesn’t imply a wholesale dismissal of opposing viewpoints—quite the opposite in fact. If conservatives are really concerned that they aren’t being heard, I have a solution: give up the political career, the corporate job, or the bully pulpit, and go back to school.
John Martin, Wake Forest University, at 12:41 pm EST on March 26, 2005
The problem isn’t that there are too many liberals on campus, but rather to many illiberal leftists who are doctrinaire. True liberals respect true conservatives. The problem is leftists masquerading as liberals and rightists masquerading as conservatives — at least that’s the way it is among the acadmemics I know, many of them my friends.
Just one concrete example: we don’t need a number of creationists to balance the number of evolutionsists, but rather, an honest admittance by all that nobody knows, or will probably ever know, whether there is intelligent design in the universe. The issue is beyond science, as is the whole problem of consciousness: these are not factual issues, in the Popperian sense (facts being things about which there can be intersubjective agreement). It’s like trying to prove that a painting is beautiful: it can’t be done.
Another example: the issue in evolution isn’t chance vs. design. Dice are designed, yet games with dice are games of chance, the odds being a product of the design of the dice. These are not mutually exclusive categories. The dice, in this case being the chemical elements and the structure of the atoms in the periodic chart, by the way. String theory may or may never explain why the universe is structured the way it is.
Bottom line: sorry guys, but most academics these days are real dunces.
Luke Lea, retired gardener at B.A. Reed College, at 6:51 pm EST on March 26, 2005
We all accept as given that professors espouse liberal views, yet a carefully monitored poll in Iowa last year showed that professors are almost as evenly split as the country. There is a very slight preponderance of liberals in the 51.2 figure, which can be 3% off.
Similarly, we say the media are liberal. What media and where? You can travel for hours through Middle America and never hear anything but Rush Limbaugh, Paul Harvey and their likes. Even NPR bends over backwards to be objective in such a manner that it actually favors the conservative point of view.
I suggest we abandon these assumptions about liberal bias on part of the academy and the media and set out to find out the real truth. And let us not assign the task of ascertaining the truth to one of the thousand conservative think tanks, suddenly discovered as “objective” experts in any field.
Joanna Courteau, UP at ISU, at 4:32 am EST on March 28, 2005
The immediate purpose of culture war issues is to rally conservative troops by giving them something to do, regardless of whether movement goals are achieved. This is not stupid because it shakes things up and creates opportunities. (This is basic grassroots politics. Abortion is still legal but the anti-abortion movement is the strongest political movement in the US today.) The academic bill of rights movement may later help defund a hated academic program. It may help advance a conservative’s career or harm a liberal’s. This movement may spread information and recruit people for other issues. Of course it is good pedagogy to enable students to see several sides of an question. But the purpose of the academic bill of rights is not good pedagogy. The purpose is political, even if no one loses his or her job right away.
Aaron Lercher, Visiting Professor of Philosophy at St. Andrews Presbyterian College, at 7:14 pm EST on March 28, 2005
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academic freedom
There is nothing inherently wrong about a professor holding and expressing strong views about any given topic in a classroom, even at the risk that someone else might consider such speech contentious or obnoxious. Passion, vehemence, are far more productive of intellectual engagement than bland non-advocacy. At the same time, any professor must permit expression of opposing views in the classroom, and must not punish such expression. Indeed, she should make it a point to reward it.
Professors, of all people, ought not subscribe to such facile nonsense as the belief that “we must respect every point of view, every value.” Such absurdity becomes manifest when we remember Galileo’s travail or the fantasies of Heaven’s Gate. While difficult for many to manage, there is a crucial distinction between respecting persons as over against their sometimes risible beliefs. Professors must learn to manage this distinction, must learn to evince it with appropriate patience and humor.
John C. BonnellProfessor of English
John C. Bonnell, Professor of English at Macomb Community College, at 8:06 pm EST on March 25, 2005