News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
June 23, 2005
David Horowitz isn’t mentioned by name in a two-page statement being released today by 26 higher education organizations. But the statement, on “academic rights and responsibilities,” is a response to Horowitz’s “Academic Bill of Rights,” which many professors view as an assault on their rights.
Organizers of the statement being issued today say that it was an effort to state publicly that academe is not monolithic ideologically and that colleges can — without the government — deal with professors (a distinct few, according to most academic leaders) who punish students for their views. Organizers hoped the statement would deflate the movement in state legislatures and Congress to enact the Academic Bill of Rights. Horowitz called the statement “a major victory” for his campaign and said that it opened up the possibility that he would work directly with colleges on remaining differences of opinion, rather than seeking legislation.
Congressional Republicans — some of whom had been expected to push the Horowitz legislation — also praised the statement. And the praise from Republicans and Horowitz pleased many college leaders, who have been frustrated by the way their institutions have been portrayed by Horowitz and some lawmakers as leftist and intolerant.
The statement issued today focuses on “intellectual pluralism and academic freedom,” and offers five “overarching principles” for colleges:
There are similar themes in the statement and in the “Academic Bill of Rights,” which has been pushed by Horowitz, a one-time radical turned conservative, in numerous state legislatures and in Congress. Many professors, however, believe that the language in the bill would make professors vulnerable to student complaints any time controversial material was covered and would require colleges to seek ideological balance on topics where most professors think that such balance is absurd (did the Holocaust happen? is evolution real?). While Horowitz has repeatedly denied that is his goal, some of his legislative supporters have said that they see the bill as a step toward changing the way evolution is taught in higher education.
In contrast, the statement from the academic groups stipulates that colleges, not the government, should decide on the curriculum and the extent to which departments should seek a diversity of thought.
David Ward, president of the American Council on Education, which led the efforts to draft the statement, said the idea was to embrace part of Horowitz’s message, but not all of it. “What was happening was that individuals who were critics of higher education were making, to my mind, perfectly reasonable statements that universities should be places of intellectual pluralism, civility and fairness,” Ward said. “I might quibble about details, but I found myself saying, ‘They have a point.’ “
Ward said that while there were “striking similarities” between the association’s statement and the Academic Bill of Rights, it was important to note the way the associations protected faculty and institutional rights. “These are principles, and the idea is that campus should refine them,” he said.
Issues of ideological bias, Ward said, are not rampant in American higher education. But he said that the debate over the Academic Bill of Rights did draw attention to the fact that many colleges haven’t outlined what a student should do if he or she feels that they are being discriminated against because of their political views. “Some of our institutions don’t have procedures in place, and they should,” he said.
The groups backing the statement includes those whose members are institutions, presidents, deans and professors.
One of the college leaders who played a key role in developing the statement — and selling it to conservatives — was Robert C. Andringa, president of the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities. Andringa said he believed that problems with political intolerance are far fewer than Horowitz has charged. And he said that Horowitz’s legislation was wrong because “it is inappropriate for legislative bodies to get involved in academic freedom issues.”
The statement is important, Andringa said, “in that it shows that the higher education community recognized the political and public interest in the issue.” He said that the debate had become a public relations problem that was hurting higher education.
“This is the kind of thing that translates into lower appropriations in states, and less of a commitment by lawmakers to higher education, so we have to take it seriously,” Andringa said.
In an e-mail interview, Horowitz called the statement by the academic groups “a major victory” and said that it created “an opportunity to open a dialogue with educators that had not been possible before.”
Horowitz suggested that the statement might make it possible for him and his supporters to stop pushing the Academic Bill of Rights. But he also made clear that was not yet a done deal. “Until the rights are codified by the universities themselves as student rights (professors have these rights written into their contracts) and the grievance machinery is set up,” he said, legislation might be needed. “That depends on the university systems. The door has now been opened for discussions. If the discussions lead to a situation in which the universities are dealing with these problems in a satisfactory manner, then there will be no further need for legislation. At the moment however all this remains to be seen.”
Not everyone thinks Horowitz is a clear winner. Michael Bérubé, a professor of English at Pennsylvania State University, said “there’s no question he put this issue on the agenda.” But Bérubé said that the statement from college groups embraces only “the innocuous parts” of Horowitz’s proposals while rejecting “the truly obnoxious aspect,” a move to have legislators “be empowered to investigate individual teachers and reading lists.”
These days, Bérubé said, Horowitz’s audience is “the kind of people who’ll believe anything about universities — or about the United Nations, or PBS, or NPR. “
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I didn’t make any claim about any clause of the ABOR; I was commenting on Horowitz’s campaign to support ABOR-inspired bills in state legislatures, not quoting the ABOR itself. Ohio’s Senate Bill 24, for instance, demands that “curricula and reading lists in the humanities and social studies shall respect all human knowledge in these areas and provide students with dissenting sources and viewpoints.” Yes, you read that right: individual curricula and reading lists in individual courses in the humanities and social sciences shall respect all human knowledge in these areas. One cannot fault this provision for being too narrow. But one certainly can fault it for being ridiculously, disastrously open to malicious interpretation by any state legislator who wants to challenge or harass a specific professor on the basis of his or her syllabus for a specific course.
As for “sour grapes,” I think Horowitz should take another look at the handy Introduction to Common Idiomatic Expressions in the English Language.
Michael Bérubé, at 11:49 am EDT on June 23, 2005
The California version of the bill (SB5) included language very similar to that of Ohio: “the Trustees of the California State University and the Board of Governors of the California Community Colleges are hereby directed to, develop guidelines and implement the following principles of the Student Bill of Rights. . . (2) Curricula and reading lists in the humanities and social sciences shall respect the uncertainty and unsettled character of all human knowledge in these areas, and provide students with dissentingsources and viewpoints.” The Academic Senate CSU saw that as a directive to our Trustees to establish administrative oversight of course reading lists (we estimated it would require probably an addition 50 associate deans systemwide). We also saw this and other provisions of SB5 as opening the door to litigation from creationists and Holocaust deniers, among other groups. The Academic Senate CSU determined that CSU campuses currently have policies to protect students’ academic freedom, but found little indication that students have used them.
Robert W. Cherny, Professor of History at San Francisco State University, at 6:34 pm EDT on June 23, 2005
The ACE statement offers a chance for higher ed to clean our own house and practice honesty over hypocrisy and education over indoctrination. Mr. Horowitz, the national Association of Scholars and the brave students who fought for ABOR in State legislatures across the country should take a bow.
Jon Reisman, associate professor of economics and public policy at University of Maine at Machias, at 7:51 pm EDT on June 23, 2005
Liberal academics are objective in their teaching about the world according to their Weltanschauungs, and Conservatives likewise. Horowitz is wrong in thinking that “objective” objectivity is possible. The academic community is wrong in thinking that their understanding of objectivity is the only objectivity possible.
The dialectic heritage of Greece left us the solution to this old problem, which we have institutionalized throughout most of society. The competition of ideas is the best approximation of objectivity, and that competition needs reinvigoration on campus. With studies showing that conservative professors are outnumbered 8 or 9 to 1, a fair fight is improbable. Free debate requires free access to the podium
Horowitz has of course met what Stephen Pinker called “the far-left outrage (that) has been deployed in the battlefield of ideas in the universities and the mainstream press.” The amusing charm of liberal academics who hold the high ground (towers ivory and other), while constantly portraying themselves as underdogs and victims of a McCarthyism still alive only in their self-aggrandizing fantasies has worn thin. Time for them to add ideology to their championing of diversity and pluralism.
Jack H.L.Thompson (formerly taught in UC, CSU, and community colleges in California}
Jack Thompson, at 8:59 pm EDT on June 23, 2005
Just got thru teaching a chapter on perception.
The problem is larger than we are and accessible only through our views.Left sees one view. Right sees another. Where both agree, each is authenticated. Where they do not, either view is tentative.
Does either side of this one really want the Government in their business? With the Government in it, the limited pots of money available for academic purposes will have another hand in them — lawyers.
RIch Godfrey, at 3:23 pm EDT on June 24, 2005
Let’s see: universities reaffirm principles they have long held, and it means...David Horowitz is the winner? Not.
Christopher Phelps, Department of History at The Ohio State University, at 5:33 am EDT on June 25, 2005
“Let’s see: universities reaffirm principles they have long held, and it means...David Horowitz is the winner? Not.] [Christopher Phelps, Department of History at The Ohio State University]
“Held” couldn’t be more ambiguous. More specifically, these principles have been professed rather than practiced. Horowitz’s arm-twisting, if it is that, shows signs of moving the standard-issue professions of academic freedom for all ideologies into actual practice.
James P. H. Fuller, at 12:24 pm EDT on June 26, 2005
Universities have, in theory, long upheld these principles. However, those principles have, in some cases, not been reflected in actual practice. Horowitz and company didnt invent this stuff out of whole cloth — there have been some abuses, although not terribly wide spread, IMHO.
This is a good compomise. Nice to see that folks can come together to elucidate a reasonable set of values.
Daniel Golding, at 9:22 pm EDT on June 26, 2005
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Thank you for a fair article on this very positive development. There is no such clause in the Academic Bill of Rights as Michael Berube claims. Berube’s comments are just a case of sour grapes and inability to concede that he was wrong.
david horowitz, author academic bill of rights, at 9:10 am EDT on June 23, 2005