News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
Sept. 8, 2005
The U.S. Senate’s education committee will convene today to take up its version of legislation to renew the Higher Education Act — a bill that most college lobbyists prefer to the version passed in July by the parallel panel in the House of Representatives.
The Senate bill was introduced jointly this week by Sen. Mike Enzi (R-Wyo.) and Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.), the chairman and top Democrat, respectively, on the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, and that bipartisanship infuses the contents of the measure, as compromises have been struck on several key, contentious issues in it.
The Senate panel took a middle ground approach, for example, on the thorny set of issues surrounding the status of for-profit colleges, which dominated the debate during the House’s deliberations over its bill.
Unlike the House bill, the Senate measure does not create a “single definition” of an institution of higher education, which career colleges have described as a matter of fairness and equity but traditional colleges oppose because it would give higher education companies access to pools of federal money from which they are now excluded. But the Senate bill, as drafted, would soften two other provisions in the higher education law that for-profit colleges say are outdated but traditional institutions say protect against financial aid fraud and abuse.
Similarly, the legislation splits the difference on a set of provisions related to the federal government’s two competing student loan programs, seemingly giving supporters of each — and advocates for students as well — things to dislike as well as like.
As a result, lobbyists for most constituencies within higher education said that while they would seek some changes in the Senate bill, they preferred it to the House bill.
“While there are still some areas we need to fine tune, this is a measured bill that tones down some of the rhetoric” in the House bill, said Cynthia J. Littlefield, director of federal relations for the Association of Jesuit Colleges and Universities.
In a letter sent to Enzi and Kennedy late Wednesday, the American Council on Education and 16 other higher education associations praised the senators and the bill but stopped short of formally endorsing it, citing several concerns: extensive new reporting requirements in several areas, the weakening of the provisions aimed at guarding against fraud, and a new provision that requires institutions applying for international education funds “reflect diverse and balanced perspectives” in those programs.
The Senate’s Legislation
The nearly 375-page Senate bill (S 1614) would extend the main law governing student aid and most other higher education programs for six years. Much of the bill deals with the federal grant and loan programs, and would do the following things to those programs:
Like the House bill, the Senate version would put significant funds toward Congress’s deficit reduction efforts by cutting subsidies for lenders and making other changes in the student loan programs, although Senate leaders expect to carve more money out of federal pension programs, easing the impact on the college programs with which they compete for funds.
The most significant difference between the Senate and House bills — one that pleases students — is that the Senate measure would leave at 6.8 percent the fixed rate that borrowers pay to consolidate multiple student loans into one, and set at a 6.8 percent fixed rate what borrowers pay for Stafford loans. But the Senate bill would increase to 8.5 percent from 7.9 percent the fixed rate on PLUS loans, and continue to allow some nonprofit lenders to benefit from a subsidized interest rate of 9.5 percent on loans made by “recycling” existing pools of funds drawn from certain bonds.
The For-Profit Question
Commercial colleges gained significantly in the House legislation, particularly because it would eliminate the separate description for for-profit institutions now in the Higher Education Act that lets them participate in the federal grant and loan programs but denies them access to other pools of federal education money. Under the House’s proposed change, which faculty unions and most nonprofit institutions oppose, for-profit colleges would be eligible to compete for money from a range of other federal programs.
Leaders at community colleges and other nonprofit institutions lobbied senators to retain the separate definitions, which the Senate HELP committee did — a decision met by applause in the letter the traditional higher education groups sent to Enzi and Kennedy on Wednesday.
Nancy Broff, general counsel of the Career College Association, said the trade group for for-profit institutions was “disappointed” by the Senate panel’s decision. But Broff took heart at the committee’s approach to provisions commonly referred to as the “90/10″ and “50 percent” rules.
The 90/10 rule bars from awarding student aid any institution that generates more than 90 percent of its revenues from federal financial aid programs. For-profit institutions have sought to eliminate the rule, which they say restricts their ability to admit large numbers of low-income students in urban areas. While the Senate panel stopped short of eliminating the rule entirely, it “changes it so extensively that it effectively nullifies the provision,” the ACE and other groups wrote in their letter to Senate leaders Wednesday.
Broff said: “If we can’t get a full repeal [of 90/10], where they’re headed with the changes they’ve made definitely are moving in the right direction.”
The groups took similar, diametrically opposed stances on the Senate’s approach to the 50 percent rule, which bars from federal financial aid programs colleges that (1) offer more than half their courses via distance education or (2) enroll more than half of their students in online programs. The regulation was drafted in 1992 to rein in the rapid growth of fraudulent diploma mills and correspondence schools, and although critics believe gutting the rule could bring back the bad old days, a mix of nonprofit and for-profit institutions have favored ending it. Although colleges would still have to apply for permission to get around the rule, the bar for such approval would be set very low.
“The most critical lesson learned from the scandals of the 1980’s was that the absence of front-end controls is a formula for disaster for taxpayers and students,” the ACE letter says. “This is particularly the case when the Congress is poised to open the Title IV programs to untold millions of new students through unmonitored, unrestricted online education.”
Other provisions in the Senate bill would:
When it meets today, the Senate panel is expected to approve the bill with few if any changes; members of the committee have been urged to offer few if any amendments.
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By law, all students must demonstrate documented financial need to receive aid from the Campus Based programs.
These programs have been seriously underfunded for many years. The propsed change in the House bill does nothing more than rob Peter to pay Paul. Needy students in schools with long established and successful programs should not be penalized because other new schools opened up.
The only “Fair” solution is to raise funding levels so that students with documented financial need at ALL schools can participate equally in these programs.
Moshe Z. Weisberg, Financial Aid Administrator, at 10:21 am EDT on September 8, 2005
These schools need to be taking more steps to reduce their cost. It is unfair to simply expect the government or low income student themselves to just keep on footing the tab for the rapid tuition and fees escalation in most areas of higher education.
The schools have priced themselves well out of the range of many students — and it is not the job of the government to simply give as much money as schools ask for out in loans. Besides, the students still have to pay off these loans, which is enough of a problem.
Income is not rising in much of the population — yet tuition and fees are going up at an completely unacceptable rate that is well above inflation. If the schools do not figure out where to cut fat, they will find themselves becoming the playground of the idle rich once more — with terrible consequences for our nation and our world.
Some places to consider cuts might be the athletic programs (which at most schools generate consistant losses and have little to do with education), the theater department (aside from a selection of good schools, this is often a dispropotionately expensive program for a few students that the rest of the campus ends up having to pay for), and some people from the literature department (the bloated liberal arts staff sizes at many universities is most prominent in the literature realm).
This could be combined with refocusing on career and grad school prep. That may make for a better investment
Kevin, Undergraduate, at 4:02 pm EDT on September 8, 2005
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Campus-Based Formula
The Democrats who oppose changes to the campus-based aid allocation formula (the House version would change this formula) are really risking the loss of the credibility on student aid.
In 2003, a New York Times analysis showed that the current formula provides excessive aid to older, prestigious schools, at the expense of newer schools and students who genuinely need the aid. It’s not surprising that Kennedy — whose state has such prestigious institution as MIT and Harvard — would oppose these changes, even though he has made himself an advocate of pro-student policies.
If the point of aid is to help students who need it, there is no rational public policy reason to oppose updating the formula. By backing the “pork” provided by the status quo, liberals can’t say they have students’ best interests in mind.
Reader, Student at UCSD, at 9:55 am EDT on September 8, 2005