News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
Jan. 9, 2006
When most scholars have their grant applications rejected by the National Endowment for the Humanities, they shrug. Only a small minority of grants are approved, so there’s no way any application can be a sure thing.
But what about an application that earns the top possible rating from every member of a peer review panel? When Marc Stein learned that his application had been rejected despite getting the best possible ratings, he started to investigate patterns at the NEH — and they led him to give a scathing talk Saturday at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association questioning the fairness of the NEH in dealing with his grant and others having to do with gay studies.
Saying that it was time to “name names,” Stein reviewed the results of his inquiry, quoting from peer review comments he obtained, and the comments he received from NEH program officers. Stein also conducted a review of NEH fellowships and research awards and found recent years in which few or none of the projects had words like “gay,” “lesbian,” “queer” or various other words in their titles — even though such topics are quite common in the humanities. (He acknowledged that this was not a precise measure and that some scholars may be doing work on these issues and keeping those words out of project titles.)
Stein’s talk, which he also published with more detail and footnotes online at the History News Network, was widely discussed at the history meeting, with other gay scholars saying that he had demonstrated that their work was being unfairly evaluated and excluded.
“It’s absolutely appalling,” said Leisa D. Meyer, chair of the AHA’s Committee on Gay and Lesbian History and a professor of history and women’s studies at the College of William and Mary. “It’s really dangerous the way the NEH is held hostage.”
In an interview Sunday, Erik Lokkesmoe, a spokesman for the endowment, said that Stein’s assumptions were incorrect and that there was no bias against work in gay studies. “The only litmus test we have is excellence,” he said, adding that he would encourage gay studies scholars to apply for NEH grants. His message to these scholars: “Please call our program officers. We welcome your applications. They will get full consideration.”
One reason Stein’s charges generated a lot of buzz at the history meeting is that he is a well respected scholar and his proposed topic concerned legal history (Constitutional law in fact), just the kind of work the NEH generally likes to support. Stein teaches history and is coordinator of the Sexuality Studies Program at York University, in Canada. He is the author of a book about gay Philadelphia and served as editor in chief of the three-volume Encyclopedia of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender History in America.
He applied in 2003 to the NEH for a project to be called “The U.S. Supreme Court’s Sexual Revolution? 1965-1973.” His thesis was a challenge to the conventional wisdom about the court during this period, which is seen by many as a time in which the justices expanded individual rights regarding sexuality. Stein proposed to compare a series of rulings — on topics such as birth control, interracial marriage, abortion, obscenity and gay rights — to show that the liberalism associated with the court was based on a “heteronormative supremacy” and did not go nearly as far as people believe.
When Stein’s proposal was rejected, he didn’t think much of it at first, but decided to take advantage of an offer in the rejection letter that he could seek copies of the evaluation letters for his project. When he did so, he found that the peer review panel had raved over his ideas. Comments such as “right on target,” “ideal combination of solid research and a topic that has broad appeal” and “seems truly revisionary and significant” appeared in these reviews. Every panelist had ranked the proposal “excellent.”
Stein said he assumed then that many projects had received such high rankings and that he lost out to equally highly judged proposals. But as he gathered more information, he found that while he was rejected, one project in American history that had failed to receive all “excellent” rankings had been approved for support. A recommendation to support his grant had been overturned by the NEH’s council — a presidentially appointed panel — and by Bruce Cole, chairman of the NEH and the final arbiter on awards.
When Stein applied again, he received slightly lower ratings — with questions being raised about whether he had a “personal agenda.” Stein was told by the NEH that Cole had decided that the “the negative concerns outweighed the positive” with regard to his grant application — and he was again rejected.
Somewhere in the process, Stein said, he appears to have been a victim of “flagging.” That’s the term for some grant applications being identified for particularly close scrutiny as they move up the chain for approval at the endowment. The Chronicle of Higher Education reported that Lynne V. Cheney, who led the endowment under President George H.W. Bush, had used flagging to limit support for projects that related to multiculturalism and that Cole had revived the practice under the second President Bush.
On Sunday, Lokkesmoe acknowledged that flagging is part of the process, but he stressed that Cole has followed the recommendations of staff members (who summarize the peer review panels) and the NEH’s council almost all the time, using his veto power sparingly.
The peer review process is important but it is only one part of getting an NEH grant, Lokkesmoe said. “There are many criteria to look at on whether an application deserves to be funded,” he said. Lokkesmoe said that confidentiality rules barred him from discussing the specifics of Stein’s application but that bias against gay studies was not a factor and is not an issue at the endowment.
He noted that Cole is “not trying to fight the culture wars” and that the NEH has backed many grants that relate to diversity. Indeed Cole — who taught art history and comparative literature at Indiana University before coming to the NEH — is a well respected scholar and his relations with academic groups are much more friendly than Cheney’s were during her tenure at the NEH. “It’s a different time,” Lokkesmoe said.
To Stein and others at the AHA meeting, however, the question remains about why proposals that go through a rigorous peer review process — in which the NEH selects the members of peer review panels — should be overturned by political appointees. At the AHA’s business meeting, Stein’s experience was cited as an example of what’s wrong with the NEH and as an illustration of the thinking behind the AHA’s statement last year on peer review.
It reads, in part: “Projects endorsed by peer review panels composed of competent, qualified, and unbiased reviewers that reflect a balance of perspectives should not be denied funding because of political, religious, or other biases of political appointees in the funding agencies.”
Since the historians can’t force the NEH to change its procedures, Stein cited his experience as an example of how to seek change. If you are rejected by the NEH, he urged the audience, get all the information you can, and if the results strike you as unfair, start sharing the information with others.
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I have little doubt that Stein’s application was rejected for purely political reasons. In recent years, the NEH has repeatedly demonstrated a strong bias against not only gay rights and multiculturalism specifically, but against liberalism in general. Many liberals who have received top scores from the peer reviewers have had their applications rejected by right-wing political appointees. This anti-liberal agenda is a policy that Lynne Cheney has instituted. Though not officially involved with the NEH anymore, she still exerts powerful influence behind the scenes. See this 2004 Salon article for more details: http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2004/08/26/lynne_cheney/index.html?x
vulture, at 11:31 am EST on January 9, 2006
Anon has an good point. This Marc Stein might not be the most qualified person to actually analyze Supreme Court rulings. Now, most people who actually need to understand Supreme Court rulings for a reason don’t go around screaming “liberalism” or “conservatism” but engage in a much deeper analysis. Most of us read all of them, and develop theories, and already are paid to do it. Indeed, many people that already work for the government study what the Supreme Court does for a living (either working for the courts, or an agency that must appear before the Supreme Court or the any other court, since they are bound by what the Supreme Court does.)
However, Anon, might not be reading the rulings himself. NEA v. Finley was a first amendment case dealing with a facial challenge to a statute – 20 U.S.C. 954(d)(1) (“In establishing such regulations and procedures, the Chairperson shall ensure that... artistic excellence and artistic merit are the criteria by which applications are judged, taking into consideration general standards of decency and respect for the diverse beliefs and values of the American public”). At the time the NEA had not promulgated any regulations. Without any actual cases of viewpoint discrimination to go off of, the court concluded “ It is unlikely, however, that speakers will be compelled to steer too far clear of any forbidden area in the context of NEA grants. As a practical matter, artists may conform their speech to what they believe to be the NEA decisionmaking criteria in order to acquire funding. But when the Government is acting as patron rather than sovereign, the consequences of imprecision are not constitutionally severe... Indeed, to accept respondents’ vagueness argument would be to call into question the constitutionality of the many valuable Government programs awarding scholarships and grants on the basis of subjective criteria such as “excellence. “
As a practical matter, most insiders are not too worried about the continued vitality of Roe v. Wade, but understand that all political viewpoints must troll the outsiders about it. The “pro-choice” crowd probably could not exist without some threat to Roe, and the anti-abortion crowd would cease to exist if, suddenly, it won. But, I don’t see what this has to do with NEA v. Finley.
Larry, at 12:36 pm EST on January 9, 2006
Geez, I’m not sure what it has to do with NEA v. Finley either, especially since the original post was about the NEH and gay/lesbian/queer scholarship. I’m also not sure why people paid by the government are the only ones worthy of interpreting Supreme Court decisions, as Larry’s post seems to imply. Let’s give this Marc Stein the benefit of the doubt and assume that his arguments are much more sophisticated than can be represented in the brief journalistic piece presented above. Of course, we (scholars of law) “engage in much deeper analysis” than labeling decisions as conservative or liberal. But I’ll concede Larry’s final point. Like Larry, I’m confident that “most insiders” on Fantasy Island believe that Roe is healthy and here to stay.
The original issue is whether or not Marc Stein is a victim of institutional homophobia. It certainly sounds like that might be the case, given the high marks his referees gave his proposal.
Brian, at 1:55 pm EST on January 9, 2006
Thanks Larry,
I guess my point was simply this: What’s the point??
Given the limited budget the NEH has to work with, I don’t see how Stein’s retroactive analysis of the Supreme Court’s ostensibly ‘liberal’ rulings is crucial at this particular cultural moment. There may be projects more relevant to the climate in which we live. Not that this is agood reason to reject anyone’s grant app., but it doesn’t seem clear to me that gay bias was involved in his case.
Re the NEA 4, I was merely suggesting that if the rulings of the 1960s and 1970s regarding “obscenity” were as “liberal” as Stein says they were, then there would never have been a reason for Karen Finley and the others to have to bring their grievances to the Supreme Court. Btw, didn’t the Supreme Court and U.S. Congress have some extremely repressive/damning things to say about Jack Smith’s FLAMING CREATURES during the 1960s? And when did acts such as consensual sodomy cease to be crimes? Certainly not in the 1960s and 1970s...
http://www.cnn.com/2003/LAW/06/26/scotus.sodomy/
The 1960s and 1970s don’t strike me as quite the blissfully “liberal” climate that Stein suggests.
Anon, at 1:55 pm EST on January 9, 2006
Anon, The reason that Finley brought suit is that she was challenging Congress’ words (hence, a “facial” challenge). Probably the reason her challenge failed is that she couldn’t claim to have been a victim of such viewpoint discrimination. In the future, I would suggest that you provide specific citations to cases, so that we can at least have a productive conversation. In this case, Finley can be referred to as “NEA v. Finley, 524 US 569 (1998).” This way, everyone can read the text and understand that the plaintiffs were not actually denied funding, but rather thought that, based on the language of the statute, that they could be denied funding based on some political or artistic belief.
One of my colleagues points out that 42 U.S.C. 1988 also has the effect of subsidizing constitutional analysis, since it provides for an award of attorneys fees to the victors in civil rights litigation against the states.
There is a lot of legal scholarship and research that occurs outside academe. Indeed, I would venture to guess that most legal theories have not been developed I academe (though many have been perfected, and some analysis – usually empirical or experimental – is performed by academics). Therefore, I might suggest that it there isn’t too much of a need for direct government funding of legal academic work. (Indeed, I am unsure whether law, or even legal history should be considered a humanity.) Instead, scholarships to law schools, funding legal representation, funding the judiciary, and such are better ways to encourage academic legal discussion.
Anonymous, I am unsure where a FOIA request would uncover the information you are seeking, but I wish you good luck.
Larry, at 3:35 pm EST on January 9, 2006
“Geez, I’m not sure what it has to do with NEA v. Finley either, especially since the original post was about the NEH and gay/lesbian/queer scholarship.”
The NEA 4 were Karen Finley, Tim Miller, Holly Hughes, and John Fleck:
http://hometown.aol.com/millertale/timmillerNEA.html
Though Finley’s name is perhaps the most famous, the other three members who lost that battle against the Supreme Court were all gay or lesbian.
Please read the Supreme Court’s ruling against the NEA 4 to find out what their case has to do with Stein’s arguments:http://www.law.stanford.edu/faculty/merryman/law236/finley.html
Stein proposes that Supreme Court rulings of the 1960s and early 1970s were cloaked in a deceptive veil of ‘liberalism,’ but that this infact masked an underlying heteronormativity that did not go far enough in enabling long-term political change.
The NEA 4 is evidence that Stein is correct in his basic premise. But again: so what? Is this really such an interesting or under-explored argument?
Furthermore, every organization (public, private, academic, corporate, etc...) that gives money to people has its inherent biases, and its changing agendas. I hardly see how one person’s rejection is grounds for suggesting a right-wing conspiracy at the heart of the NEH.
There are often cases in which applicants who’ve been awarded high marks on each level do not succeed because of the excellent pool of worthy proposals. I’d be interested to learn the percentage of NEH awards given to projects dealing with “normative” sexual practices, versus those given to “non-normative” studies. Does anyone have a quick breakdown, or know a site where we could obtain this informatioN?
Anon, at 3:47 pm EST on January 9, 2006
I’ve been told that the Council sessions are taped or recorded in some way. As these events all fall within the purview of the public, they should be available through a FOIA request. I’m sure these recordings/transcriptions would yield some interesting clues.
Follow the Money, at 3:59 pm EST on January 9, 2006
Anon — Thanks for the cites/sites. You explained the link well, but I’m still not sure if it’s fair to critique the guy’s scholarship based on a two-sentence description of it. Sure, it doesn’t seem very earth shattering as described, but none of us read his proposal. I’m willing to bet that there’s much more complexity and nuance in the 6-page version (NEH proposal length) of his argument compared to the one found in the web article.
Your point about there being other excellent proposals is well taken, but my understanding is that if the reviewers rate a proposal “excellent” (as opposed to “very good” — the second tier) across the board then that proposal is almost guaranteed funding. As the article noted, some proposals that receive a mix of “very good” and “excellent” were given the award. It seems to me that there was something funny going on if the Endowment was explicitly going against the recommendation of the designated referees.
The links to previous award winners are here: http://www.neh.gov/news/awards/fe...gov/news/awards/fellowships2005.html
Brian, at 4:30 pm EST on January 9, 2006
Thanks Brian,
Well, I fully agree with you that it’s unfair to make a ruling in either direction based on the article. We would need much more information in order to prove an NEH anti-gay bias. And of course we would need to see the proposal itself in order to get a fuller sense of what exactly Stein is saying about the Supreme Court and its ‘avant-garde’ rulings in the domain of individual rights regarding sexuality.
The curious thing is that Stein’s study begins in 1965; but in 1967, the Supreme Court upheld the 1964 conviction of Ken Jacobs and Jonas Mekas for distributing obscene material, and refused to overturn NY’s state-wide ban on public screenings of Jack Smith’s wonderfully perverse and explosively queer film, FLAMING CREATURES.
http://infoshare1.princeton.edu/l.../finding_aids/aclu/acluseries3b.html
Moreover, in 1973, the US Supreme Court passed several rulings which permitted state regulation of publicly shown sexually explicit materials.
http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/film/journal/bookrev/books-may-02.htm
Regardless of what Stein says in his proposal, this does not seem like an era of tolerance and revolutionary change in the field of homosexuality.
Anon, at 5:03 pm EST on January 9, 2006
Netflix doesn’t have Flaming Creatures, but I’ll be on the look out for it.
The Bowers decision and the reluctance to overturn it until the 21st century would seem to suggest that progressive gay rights decisions from the Supremes are few and far between. There was Romer v Evans, but how “progressive” is it to say “sorry Colorado, you can’t outlaw anti-discrimination statutes?” I’m guessing Stein’s argument is something like: “Everyone looks to the Warren Court as a golden era of liberalism and decisions like Griswold as the fountainhead of sexual rights, but gays and lesbians got a raw deal.” Is that a big contribution? Does it deserve NEH funding? I don’t know. I’m certainly not shocked that the decision makers at a federal agency in the year 2006 are homophobic, if that is indeed the case with the situation described on this page. Heck, I wasn’t even shocked that the hot shot (and politically outspoken) anthropologist at Yale was denied tenure. We live in a conservative time. Bummer (I think), but that’s life in the big city.
Brian, at 8:34 pm EST on January 9, 2006
The national debt is $4.3 trillion, Medicare prescription benefit is an unfunded mandate of $1 trillion, and Social Security is an unfunded mandate of $33 trillion.
If AHA thinks the masses are concerned about using tax dollars to fund more hand-outs for far-out studies that could be funded privately — they’ve lost all sense of reality.
B.J.S., at 7:52 am EST on January 10, 2006
Speaking as a Fed. the NEH denials ring hollow (i.e. they are probably lying). NIH, CDC, HRSA and other divisions of HHS have engaged in political level rejection of objectively top rated biomedical and public heatlh research. Please note that this is done mostly by political appointees of repblican career employees who have been advanced due to their political leanings. Much more than Bush I and even Reagan, the purely political based-decision making has reached much further down into all parts of the federal bureacracy. As has been noted, there is NO policy-based domestic policy shop in this white house; everything is political. Which means either short term business interest and/or christian right.
Steve, at 11:21 am EST on January 10, 2006
I am an out-and-proud gay male in academia. Problem is, I’m not interested in topics in queer studies, gender studies, multiculturalism, post-colonial theory, etc. Those topics started to become trendy in the ’80s, but people of my generation don’t have the same axes to grind. In fact, a lot of us are sick of the shoddy, repetitive, jargon-laden work done in the service of those topics.
I do have a ax to grind, now that I’m competing for jobs and fellowships: I’m sick of seeing a disproportionate number of fellowships go to proposals about sex, gender, multiculturalism, etc. There are a many people doing good work in many fields; topics in sex, race, etc. are only a fraction of what is out there. But in those “trendy,” ideologically-charged topics, a glut of new publications appears every year, each more repetitive and hairsplitting than the last.
So the NEH wants to filter out the proposals that are topically oriented toward such fields? I say, let it be. There are dozens of other organizations that fund little else.
Anonymous, Graduate Student at Yale University, at 4:43 pm EST on January 10, 2006
Wait. So because you’re not “interested” in critical lines of inquiry such as the history of sexuality means that researchers who are shouldn’t receive funding? A good scholar should be able to impartially assess the merit of a proposal, regardless if they disagree or aren’t “interested” with the subject matter themselves.
Let’s bring this discussion back into focus. The question is whether or not the NEH turned down highly rated applications solely because of the subject matter. It’s about the scholarly merit of a proposal, not about what is or isn’t appropriate to fund.
Peter Mattachine, at 6:10 pm EST on January 12, 2006
While there might be other organizations willing to fund projects dealing with LGBT issues, that’s beside the point. NEH is a federal agency funded with American tax dollars. Consequently, the agency is obliged to treat each application fairly in its assessment of the scholarly merit of the project. Also, being a graduate student from an Ivy, you know that having an NEH fellowship on your CV is more than a feather in your cap. It helps secure tenure and other forms of job security and legitimacy. NEH puts scholars whose field is in the history of sexuality at a great disadvantage if they exclude them from consideration. Moreover, by not funding these projects, the agency is complicit in a form of historical revisionism that tacitly states that issues concerning sexual desire and sexuality did not play a role in the development of America (viz., jurisprudence, civil rights, temperance, etc.).
So the NEH wants to filter out the proposals that are topically oriented toward such fields? I say, let it be. There are dozens of other organizations that fund little else.
Peter Mattachine, at 6:11 pm EST on January 12, 2006
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Isn’t this the same process by which faculty members can be unanimously approved for tenure by a department and a university tenure committee, and still be denied by a single dean or provost whose been “appointed” by the president to push through his or her own political agendas (or as they call it, their “vision of the university"?). Similarly, a dissertation that’s unanimously approved by its faculty advisors can still be rejected by a department committee or chair. In other words, this evaluation structure is endemic to the academy, and tolerated at every level. The few inevitably overrule the many, and almost always on political or economic grounds. I have no doubt that a Bush-appointee will discriminate against scholarship that reinforces liberal agendas (whether it explicitly aims to or not). I also don’t have any doubt that university committees and deans routinely do the same to scholarship that doesn’t meet their own criteria for “serious” scholarship. Can we fight this battle on multiple fronts?
huntly, at 11:31 am EST on January 9, 2006