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Debate Under Duress in California

A California law regulating the state’s for-profit education industry became inoperable July 1 and is set to expire January 1, essentially leaving the state without any regulatory authority over a sector serving 400,000 students. Under intense pressure to find a last-minute legislative solution, the California State Assembly Committee on Higher Education approved a contentious bill Thursday that would replace the former regulatory structure and enforcement mechanism — though not without significant reservations.

In fact, after hours of debate in which virtually no one could offer unqualified support for the bill, the committee members seemingly passed it only because of their desperate timeline.

“This is clearly a work in progress,” Anthony J. Portantino, the Democratic chair of the Assembly higher education committee, said before recommending that the panel approve the bill with 13 amendments. “There are clear challenges to this bill, including the governor’s [possible] veto.”

Still, moving forward the bill — which representatives of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s administration spoke out against during Thursday’s hearing — ultimately prevailed as the lesser of two evils, at least from the committee’s perspective. California, after all, was well known as a relatively unregulated haven for diploma mills back in the 1980s, and few policy makers would want to be seen as responsible for rewriting that particular chapter in state history.

“Certainly,” Portantino said, “if we don’t let this bill out [of committee], we’re in an even more precarious situation.”

The stage was set for a showdown Thursday when even Michael Miller, a consultant representing the Democratic Senate President Pro Tem and sponsor of the bill, Don Perata, conceded in his opening remarks that, “Essentially, in trying to find a middle ground and reach consensus, this bill is opposed by all. In an issue this contentious, that means we’re probably going in about the right direction.”

But, in some ways, the ensuing debate seemed to be going in reverse, or at least whirring in neutral, with little progress forward or back. Many of the underlying arguments espoused by the bill’s supporters and opponents Thursday were nothing new: The intransigence of the issue is precisely what got the California Legislature to this desperate position in the first place.

After failing last year to pass either of two bills intended to reform what all sides agree, though for different reasons, was a flawed system, the legislature sent a bill simply extending the much-hated Private Postsecondary and Vocational Education Reform Act of 1989 to Schwarzenegger. He vetoed it in September, writing that “Simply extending the existing governing statute ... does nothing to enhance protections for students, allows problems that have been well documented to continue to exist and merely allows mediocrity for California’s students.”

The governor has been lambasted for vetoing the measure shortsightedly, as critics have pointed out that due to statutory limits on “urgency” legislation, no regulatory agency could be bestowed with the power to enforce any law during the six-month gap between when the law became inoperable Sunday and when it goes off the books January 1 (a stopgap resolution sponsored by Republican Assemblyman Paul J. Cook that relies on voluntary compliance and aims to provide continuity also has not received legislative approval yet, though Cook said Thursday he is hopeful it will be passed next week).

But now it seems that the governor’s strategy — of effectively holding the legislature’s “feet to the fire” to find a better solution, as Miller described it Thursday — might backfire not only in the short term, but also potentially in the long term if no legislative solution can be found this year.

As the various sides continue their debate, real questions are being asked right now about what a lack of regulation will do — and, more importantly, is doing — to the value of certain California degrees. Oregon’s Office of Degree Authorization, for one, has already communicated that, in absence of state regulation, degrees from unaccredited California institutions awarded after July 1 will be invalid in that state.

“Oregon law (ORS 348.609) requires that to be valid here, an unaccredited degree must be issued by a college that has formal approval to operate and issue degrees in the state where it is located,” Alan L. Contreras, administrator of the Oregon office, wrote in a Monday letter to Governor Schwarzenegger.

“It is our understanding that similar laws regarding unaccredited degrees are in place in nine other states.”

Thursday’s Debate

The reasons for the opposition to Senate Bill 823 are varied. Lawyers advocating for students who have racked up tens of thousands of dollars in debt after allegedly being misled by college representatives about completion and job placement rates generally support the bill, which preserves the extensive consumer protections in the former act.

But even the bill’s supporters take exception to one of the bill’s exceptions: Its exemption of institutions regionally accredited by the Western Association of Schools and Colleges, or WASC, from the state’s private college oversight system, which has historically focused on unaccredited, or nationally (rather than regionally) accredited for-profit colleges. Institutions accredited by WASC likewise enjoyed an exemption from the previous law regulating private education in the state.

“Accreditation is not a proxy for state oversight. It is one of the three prongs of the triad that’s been around for decades overseeing proprietary schools,” Betsy Imholz, of Consumers Union, said, referencing the combination of federal oversight of financial aid funds, state regulation and accreditation. Citing the backlash against accreditation on the federal level, where the U.S. secretary of education is perceived as reining accreditors in rather than letting them loose, Imholz said: “It just seems like an odd moment to be falling back on reliance on accreditation when in fact the federal government, which set up the whole structure with accreditation as one of the prongs, is itself questioning it.”

While consumer advocates want more institutions included in the bill, others want more excluded. Several witnesses argued that nationally accredited schools should be placed on an equal playing field with those with WASC accreditation.

And, on top of that, private WASC-accredited institutions that wouldn’t typically be lumped in with career colleges don’t like the bill because they don’t feel their current exemption is clearly articulated or continued in the proposal. Among other things, the bill calls for a study to be completed by the end of 2009 assessing the extent “to which accreditation by accrediting bodies provides sufficient assurance that the various goals of this chapter have been met.” The report would then provide recommendations as to whether the existing exemptions (as outlined by the proposed legislation) should be perpetuated.

“We agree that the primary focus [of the former and proposed California law on private education] is on vocational issues,” said Jonathan Brown, who, as president of the Association of Independent California Colleges and Universities, represented such institutions Thursday as Stanford University and the University of Southern California (which also sent a representative of its own to oppose the bill). “But ultimately we cannot be supportive of an effort that fundamentally changes the relationship that the state of California has had with non-profit, WASC-accredited institutions.”

“While we appreciate the efforts to exempt WASC-accredited institutions, we do not feel that the exemption is clear,” added Ralph Wolff, president and executive director of the accrediting agency. “We do not feel that these institutions should be brought under the regulatory provisions.”

The other main point of contention of the day centered on the private right of action, or the ability of individuals to sue institutions, allowed in the proposed bill. It is no coincidence, several for-profit college representatives indicated or implied, that many of those supporting the legislation are lawyers. “The way this law is drafted, it is drafted through the lens of a person who spends their career suing schools,” said Robert W. Johnson, executive director of the California Association of Private Postsecondary Schools, which represents career-focused institutions.

The bill does allow for a private right of action against non-WASC institutions and, for the first time, WASC-accredited junior colleges, if individuals can demonstrate a violation of the law even in absence of harm. However, Miller, the consultant for the bill’s sponsor, pointed out that the right is consistent with the right granted under the previous act, and said concerns about frivolous lawsuits are unfounded, given the tenor of cases brought forward in the past. “What I’m finding is the students can’t [even] find lawyers to take their cases,” Miller said, arguing that the cases tend to be cumbersome and time-consuming, with relatively small rewards.

“We have worked with all sides, listened to everybody’s concerns, and as much as possible tried to work concerns out where we can, but the author [Senator Perata] will not compromise on basic issues where at-risk students are asked to be placed more at risk,” Miller said.

Ultimately, Republican Assemblyman Roger Niello described the main problem in play as being a difference in philosophy, with the proposed bill focusing too much on consumer protections and too little on developing the private higher education industry and expanding the state’s economy and workforce.

But while Assemblyman Cook, the Republican author of the stopgap legislation, suggested a need to break down the bill, with its “so many contentious items” into pieces that could be voted upon separately, the chair ultimately ruled that there was no time for that. Over Cook’s and Niello’s objections, in a 5 to 2 vote, the higher education committee cleared the bill for consideration by the appropriations committee, just the next step in its uncertain future.

Elizabeth Redden

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Comments

The Accreditation Question with National Implications

Dear Elizabeth,Thank you for this especially well-written summary of the California accreditation issue. Prima facie, I kept thinking of the Governor’s “I’ll be back!” line, and the possible road ahead for the current measure. A couple of questions surface here. In the case of Oregon’s rejection of “unaccredited” universities, how does that play among employers? For example, if Stanford finds itself on such a list, will employers care if the state has a “rejection” notice for such an esteemed institution. Imagine a law firm, for example, deciding not to hire the top graduate with perfect LSAT scores and an impeccable record of internships and experiential learning. Ipso facto, how does this actually work? The second major question relates to one of precedent. I’ve heard various discussions about our acceptance of Commonwealth degrees, but here we have agencies like the HLC and others to turn to for input. Regardless of California’s de jure position on these institutions, could the accrediting agencies take initiative here as a reference? Also, on occasion there arise conversations about Harvard’s approach to accreditation. “Does it worry about the three prongs of the triad for its programs?” Perhaps in the macro some of Milton’s dynamics of the marketplace are causing us to hone not only our skills but our accrediting and approval lines. Also, I can empathize a bit with the Governor’s “feet to the fire” desire after heading a foundation for the late billionaire/philanthropist, Mr. Van Kampen. He once complained, “Jerry, I can make ten decisions in the time it takes you educators to make one, and then you don’t know if it’s right. How do you think I’ve made my fortune?” Whether we agree or not, many Board of Trustees and politicians (usually of corporate mindset) share his sentiments. It’s how they approach life. As for the overall article, one suggestion would be to write a separate piece on WASC, as its involvement here is painted in drab hues and with a tiny brush that only frames it for the national audience in the light of this controversial issue. Regardless of my personal position on this matter, I do know that there are some good folks involved there trying to help many thousands of students, many who otherwise feel disenfranchised. Again, I appreciate your efforts in communicating this issue. Jerry Pattengale

Jerry Pattengale, AVP for Scholarship & Grants at Indiana Wesleyan University, at 8:10 am EDT on July 6, 2007

California Meltdown

California’s HE regulatory meltdown has been years in the making, as lovingly documented in http://www.cappsonline.org/pdf/BPPVE_InitialReport_092605.pdf.

The Public institutions in California have avoided this mess only because they are protected by a powerful regional accrediting guild, and are largely unregulated when viewed in comparison with what is required on a yearly basis of the for-profits institutions. Public institutions are typically accredited only once every 10 years.

What is new here is the proposed legislation granting a private right of action against public schools — this is certainly worth watching, because it makes redress available to students and taxpayers aggrieved by the public institutions, and makes HE accountability a state interest.

The for-profit regulatory apparatus that is being debated functions as a de facto complaint bureau, whereas the monopoly of public colleges is protected from such interference by WASC. WASC’s primary function, in terms of its role as a guild, is to protect its members from just these kinds of grievances, which would otherwise subject the institutions to unwanted scrutiny and accountability.

Glen S. McGhee, Dir., at Florida Higher Education Accountability Project, at 8:50 am EDT on July 6, 2007

California approval vs. accreditation

Thanks for a superb story on a very complex issue. I need to clarify what Oregon law does and doesn’t require. Our law allows use of any degree from an accredited school, so degrees from Stanford are never at issue. We don’t allow use of degrees from unaccredited schools unless the school has gone through a state approval process. California has a couple of hundred such schools, and it is these degrees that will be invalid if issued after July 1.

The confusion arises in part because in the public hearings, people sometimes refer to state approval as accreditation, which is inaccurate.

Alan Contreras, State of Oregon, at 12:10 pm EDT on July 6, 2007

Surplus Value

Thank you for the article. I have wanted to hear someone address the heavy teaching load relative to salary scale of facultes—especially humanites faculties—in the for-profit sector. How do powerful corporate lawyers, lobbyists, apologists and other arms of “private tyrannies” pressure state and other accreditation agengies “to look the other way,” to avoid social accountability, on a number of issues? Specifically, what are the implications for arguably excessive teaching loads, lack of scholarly opportunity, and curtailment of academinc freedom in that most corporate academy of all, the for-profit college? Does the for-profit model see itself as a vangard, what the public sector should emulate? Then beware, I say, of the surplus value it may generate for certain narrow business interests at the expense of teachers and students alike: interests which have no end of rationalizing their interests.

I am all for accountability. It’s just that there may be more than one kind, as in working conditions that optimize rather than compromise performance, namely, traditional teaching loads, faculty automy and academic freedom as preconditions for involving, rather than alienating, students. (Yes, any self-respecting professor ought to consider involving students her or his foremost concern, and pure academic careerism that ignores students, only mirrors, I’m tempted to say, any other, non-ivory tower, careerism.) But it becomes harder and harder to engage students if the professor’s working conditions—whether in the tenure-track rat race or the for-profit teaching overload, begin to prove antithetical to it. Hence the public need for private accountability, lest the private sector assume the haughtiness of knowing exclusively what “accountability” is.

Students deserve a true academic experience anywhere they choose to study. They deserve the opportunity to encounter—during their college years—educational experiences and options including and beyond vocational certifcation. Must education be narrowed to a one-to-one merchant to customer relationship which, from a pure business standpoint, is the only form of accountability there is? Is there not possibly something predatory going on, given the private sector’s constant pressure to defund, and make fail, public institutions? I believe education should serve not just business interests but society at large.

Instead, history has created this lucrative two-tiered system. It has made the teaching part of the public sector fail in order to create an owners market among vulnerable students and faculties alike. (Both together, we must remember, are workers.)Both groups have resulted from the two-tiered system itself. I’m just wondering if a tug’o war over a little regulation is sufficient to break the pattern.

Anne Valentine, at 5:20 pm EDT on July 6, 2007

Market Conditions

The Humanities have historically been for those students who do not have to work immediately after basic schooling.

Those who have taught, done research and/or scholarly work in the Humanities have used a variety of theoretical approaches to research and scholarship in the Humanities.

Many business and industry captains apparently have tired with a “one-size fits all” approach to education; they are some of the fundamental supporters of for-profit and technical education, no?

Options for the student to choose his or her education should be guided by family members and professional advisors who know what a student can afford.

Feminist/marxist critique for a “first-to-college” from his or her family or basic electronic maintenance and repair?Welding or Post-modern analysis of gender relations?

Esoteric and leftists on the faculty have probably done nothing to assure business & industry leaders, or most politicians, that Education and/or most educators want to work with them.

Those families who can afford to send Jr. or Sis for a good old fashioned Liberal Education will probably continue to do so, but often with raised eyebrows about the liberal content or methodology. Often conservative Jr. or Sis will be partially employed in the family business for a firm grip on reality while they attend classes and report home to mum and daddy about the wacki-ness in their Humanities classes.

The meta-reality seems to be, that business and industry, if they chose to stay in the U.S. and weather the tight (sometimes inane) regulation and spoiled workers, will increasingly chose to train their own workers or move off-shore.

Dr. F. Gump, at 2:40 pm EDT on July 7, 2007

“A Firm Grip on Reality”

To be sure, many “leftists,” with reduced teaching loads, engage in esoteric, ultra-deconstructive analyses of dubious topics whereby everything cancels everything else out, thereby leaving the status quo safely in place. So they get rewarded with tenure while legions of their nontenure-track colleagues labor in freshman composition and lower division, upholding the system that rewards these “leftists” so well. (It may also conveniently exclude competitive talent, thereby impoversishing education as a whole.)

That’s understandable in a way because they so assiduously want to avoid “leftist” thinking that is reductionist and would topple one tyranny only to replace it with another.

(But let us hear from a tenured scholar with a reduced teaching load who can make the case for the usefulness of his her theorizing—how it will truly replace patriarchy with gender equity and justice, empower people of color, really and truly contribute to reversing the growing class divide, and dissolve neo-colonialism, thus making the world safer and more just.)

Dr. F Gump’s response ably describes, in each of nine paragraphs above, what I take to be Anne Valentine’s indictment: a global class system that legitimizes itself on the basis of “a firm grip on reality,” with no possible opening for students or their parents to question it. (It also happens to be a potential cash cow for for-profit institutions who want to help employers harness a skilled workforce that can be jerked around at will.) The conservative stance takes this “reality” to be legitimate. It doesn’t want to consider this reality as in a crisis of legitimacy. Any questioning of it must be but a luxury for spoiled intellectual elites. (I’m in some sympathy with the observation.) But Dr. Gump seems eager that no self-respecting “first-in-the-family” to go to college or parent thereof would ever have cause to question the reality of the class structure. How convenient for patriarchy and the existing class structure. Such must be a luxury the masses can’t afford. Education should not be about questioning anything. It should only be about making the masses more useful to industry. Period.

I do believe educators should reassure employers that they want to work with them but the two must work together to help overcome the educational, not just training, limitations with which the lower 80% of the population is beset. It’s a two-way street. Does not everybody have the right to gain a useful skill AND to learn to think as a citizen in a democracy? See, for example, Participatory Economics as a model of an alternative political economy (or “reality") worth further research and discussion.

As my fellow Texan Jim Hightower so plainly puts it, social and political life is “not about Right versus Left: It’s about top versus bottom.”

Curro Romero, at 11:15 am EDT on July 8, 2007

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