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Extending the Arm of Campus Law

Plenty of colleges worry about student conduct away from campus, but few have the resources and authority to track it as effectively as they can on their own grounds. Several institutions, in an effort to reduce crime and serious violations of university policy, are considering proposed changes that would allow them to expand their jurisdictions.

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Stanford University’s judicial policy has long applied to on-campus activities, but a proposed amendment to the institution’s charter would expand the control of the Board on Judicial Affairs to “any acts that threaten the safety and integrity of the university community regardless of where such acts occur.”

The proposal has the support of undergraduate and graduate student governance groups, as well as the Faculty Senate, which sent it on to Stanford’s office of the president.

Cornell University is considering similar revisions to its campus code of conduct that would allow its judicial administrator to investigate or respond to off-campus activity that “poses a substantial threat to the university’s educational mission or property or to the health or safety of university community members.”

The University Assembly, Cornell’s governing body that includes students, employees and faculty, is supporting the measure. Presidential and trustee approval is needed for the measure to go into effect.

Mary Beth Grant, Cornell’s judicial administrator, said many groups — including an anti-hazing task force — have been calling for off-campus jurisdiction for years.

“For the proponents of the change, it made little sense to have many university resources used to investigate hazing, an assault or a rape at a fraternity or res hall when the same misconduct at an apartment house 50 feet away may not have been investigated by the university,” she said in an e-mail.

Eamonn Callan, chair of Stanford’s Faculty Senate, a professor of education, and a former co-chair of the Board on Judicial Affairs, said the university must be involved in off-campus affairs because the assumption is a student should maintain a standard of decent behavior in all places.

Patrolling off-campus neighborhoods is already common at some institutions, such as Boston College, which sends an official in search of rowdy parties and unlawful students. Those behind the Stanford and Cornell proposals say they are designed to address major off-campus offenses and not minor infractions.

“This is not to punish students for having an open beer can a block away from campus,” said Andy Cowan, a Cornell law student and vice chair of the Codes and Judicial Committee, which passed the draft. “The motivation is to respond to issues of violence like sexual assault in off-campus housing that have a connection back to the university.”

Cornell’s jurisdiction for handling student misconduct is currently limited to on campus and any place that’s Cornell’s property — a remote research center or a campus abroad, for instance. (An employee driving a Cornell van while intoxicated would also be subject to review.) Only in the case of grave misconduct away from campus can the president disregard the code and take direct action, Cowan said.

If the code revisions pass, police officers or students could report an infraction that takes place off the campus to Grant, the judicial administrator. That is more likely to happen than the possibility of the administrator patrolling campus neighborhoods or scrolling through the police blotter looking for incidents, Cowan said, since the office is already busy with on-campus cases.

At Stanford, someone would have to file a complaint to initiate an investigation. A judicial officer would then determine whether there’s sufficient evidence to take the case to a six-person judicial panel (made up mostly of students). Accused students at both Cornell and Stanford would be able to challenge at a hearing whether the incident rises to the level of a serious violation.

Cowan said some students might feel more comfortable reporting an incident internally rather than starting with law enforcement. Laurette Beeson, assistant dean of Stanford’s Graduate Life office and a former judicial adviser in the Office of Judicial Affairs, said if a defense attorney declines to file charges, students should have another option.

Still, students like Rachel Dorfman-Tandlich, the Student Assembly appointee to the Codes and Judicial Committee at Cornell, initially expressed concerns that the new rules could lead to an abuse of university power.

“The classic example is getting caught with the open container, and I don’t think Cornell should be searching for that,” she said. “They don’t have the staffing for that, and that shouldn’t be their focus.”

Dorfman-Tandlich said she and many other students are now convinced that the changes would better safeguard the campus. But other questions have been raised — such as whether a student should be subject to “double punishment” (from campus officials and the outside legal system) and whether a university investigation could interfere with police work.

As Cowan puts it: “These are fundamentally different systems. Criminal courts can’t expel, and colleges can’t put someone in jail.”

Grant said law enforcement would need to work even more closely with each other and with her office if jurisdiction is extended to off-campus locations.

Another criticism of the proposals is that the language used is too vague. Callan said an exhaustive list of possible serious infractions couldn’t capture the range of circumstances in which a student might be deemed in breach of university code.

Elia Powers

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Comments

The Vices of Vagueness

The primary problem here isn’t that campuses address off-campus crimes, it’s the vagueness of the entire speech code, such as Stanford’s punishment for threatening the “integrity of the university community.” True, the expansion of “integrity” crimes off-campus is a terrible idea, but the solution is to limit all speech codes to real, actual crimes committed on or off campus (of course, some violations, such as academic dishonesty, must be limited purely to academic settings). The claim that the rules must be vague because it’s impossible to account for every crime isn’t true. Why can’t we specifically define every violation?

John K. Wilson, collegefreedom.org, at 7:05 am EST on November 20, 2007

Responding to Mr. Wilson

First, Cornell’s code is a conduct code, not a speech code. We have strong protections for free speech and expression, and that’s not likely to change anytime soon.

Second, our code does have specific, enumerated violations. Each violation is meant to be specific enough to place members of the community on notice as to what conduct is regulated. As in criminal statutes, many violations require that the Judicial Administrator prove a specific mental state (e.g. intent) as an element of the violation. What we do not believe can be specifically enumerated is the subset of violations that are serious enough to be pursued when they occur off-campus. In order to make such a list, we would have to go through the entire enumerated list of code violations, imagine every possible scenario in which a person could violate one of them, and then decide whether that would be serious enough to pursue off-campus. Such a list would be necessarily incomplete and could be more difficult to apply in practice than a jurisdictional standard.

If you would like to read through our campus code draft for yourself, it’s online at assembly.cornell.edu/UA

Andy Cowan, Vice Chair, Codes and Judicial Committee at Cornell University, at 10:40 am EST on November 20, 2007

overextending

There are a number of problems with disciplining people for activities off campus. Likewise, the vagueness issue is a problem. But, I write to address one particularly irksome statement:

“[Mary Beth Grant, Cornell’s judicial administrator] said law enforcement would need to work even more closely with each other and with her office if jurisdiction is extended to off-campus locations.”

This creates problem. The police do their thing. The college does its thing. Colleges and police forces are different animals. Grant seems to think that her office can be both an public and private investigative entity, as well as an adjudicatory entity. This is precisely the reason that we have separation of powers in all 50 states: you can’t do both. Now, in theory Cornell can legally combine the two functions, but if it insists that the police share their information with them they will be jeopardizing law enforcement’s legitimate functions. Does she really expect District Attorneys to share material obtained in a grand jury proceeding with a college?

And it gets worse: In the course of “working with” a police entity, does she propose that Cornell do what the police cannot legally do? After all, if a private college acts alone it would not be violating anyone’s constitutional rights. (Though there might commit some common law tort.) But, if they do it at the behest of the police they ARE, and can subject officers to liability under 42 USC 1983, as well as cause the exclusion of evidence. At some level, students might not have a right to an attorney in some college proceedings. Does she propose to simply turn over those statements to the police, or even conduct interrogations at the behest of the police?

(I will note that Cornell students do have more legal resources available them then at most schools.)

Why do schools need to overextend themselves like this?

Larry, at 10:55 am EST on November 20, 2007

Monroe Doctrine for Universities?

I can understand, and sympathize with, the impetus behind this push to extend the reach of campus regulations, but it sets troubling precedents. On an institutional level, it allows the university to act like a state, outside of its own property. Generally speaking, universities already have more power and influence over the neighborhoods they border than their neighbors would prefer, and extending university jurisdiction into surrounding neighborhoods only amplifies this power inequality, and makes student neighborhoods de jure, rather than de facto colonies of the university.

From a student perspective, it is also troubling, in that it renders the student a subject of the university regardless of where or when he or she is. If a company, rather than a school, sought such power, there would be an uproar, but I fail to see how attending classes at a university puts that student in the thrall of that school’s administration throughout his or her career.

ACC Prof, at 12:30 pm EST on November 20, 2007

Cornell Rules

By the way, my favorite part of the Cornell rules is the part where the president can override them for whatever reason he sees fit without any review within the university.

Larry, at 3:40 pm EST on November 20, 2007

Responding to Mr. Cowan

Mr. Cowan says it’s a conduct code, not a speech code. But, of course, some speech is conduct. Here’s a few of the problems (mostly due to vagueness) with the Cornell code that I found in a quick glance: —bans “severely annoying” speech if “beyond the scope of free speech” —Bans disorderly conduct (including “tumultuous” behavior) —It also bans “To attempt to violate” these provisions (which is a very vague standard). —A ban “to traffic...in goods or services in a manner incompatible with the interests of the University community or the local community.” —Suspension of a student organization for “public order and safety”—ban on “disrupting” a speaker or recruiter without defining disruption.

Actually, Cornell’s code is better than average, which means it’s merely dreadful rather than appalling.

John K. Wilson, collegefreedom.org, at 7:15 pm EST on November 20, 2007

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