News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
July 20, 2005
In the past year or so, the latest in the perennial waves of attacks by conservatives against liberal bias in college faculties has included several research reports like one by National Association of Scholars allies Stanley Rothman, S. Robert Lichter, and Neil Nevitte, “Politics and Professional Development Among College Faculty,” decrying a preponderance of Democrats in academe. These reports have worked in tandem with the crusade led by David Horowitz for an “Academic Bill of Rights,” versions of which were introduced into several state legislatures.
Aside from the disputable accuracy of conservatives’ charges, it’s time to call attention to their frequent origin in organizations funded by Republican-aligned foundations.
Conservatives claim that “their” foundations and think tanks simply serve to counterbalance more highly funded liberal foundations, professional organizations like the American Association of University Professors and the Modern Language Association, and the totality of university scholarship. These are false comparisons:
1. The conservative foundations and think tanks established in the past 30 years were designed to be, in effect, public relations agencies or lobbies for the Republican Party and the political and economic interests of their corporate sponsors, many of whose executives have also been visibly partisan, influential figures in that party, such as Richard Mellon Scaife (Scaife Foundations), the Coors family (Heritage Foundation), William Simon (Olin Foundation), and William Baroody (American Enterprise Institute). The same cannot be said for more liberally inclined foundations like Ford, Rockefeller, Carnegie, and MacArthur, in relation either to corporate sponsors or the Democratic Party. The very fact that these foundations fund projects that are often antithetical to their corporate patrons’ class interests is evidence that their motives are philanthropic, not propagandistic; they fund precisely the kind of projects least likely to attract corporate sponsorship. This can also be said about George Soros’ politically oriented projects; Soros, perhaps more than any other liberal sponsor, does have Democratic Party ties comparable to those of Scaife and other Republicans — he supports MoveOn.org, the Center for American Progress, Emily’s List, Americans Coming Together and several labor unions — but it would be hard to make a case that his philanthropy advances his corporate interests. Much of his and his grantees’ writings warn against capitalists like him gaining too much wealth and power. In contrast, the outcome of the ostensibly objective research conducted by conservative corporate-funded scholars is virtually predetermined to support its sponsors’ financial and ideological interests.
2. Academic professional associations democratically represent their membership, and are primarily funded by dues. Their officials are not appointed by, and are not accountable to, any higher power or special interest other than the majority rule of their members. Thus, whatever political biases they may have are those of their own constituencies, not of patrons or party organizations.
3. Likewise, the terms of faculty hiring and salary are normally determined by peers, not patrons or parties. The political views of faculty members in the humanities and social sciences are, in general, the consequence of their years of independent study, not influenced by outside sponsorship or affiliation with party apparatuses. That is, they may vote Democratic, but, with rare exceptions — Robert Reich comes to mind — faculty liberals, and especially radicals, in recent decades have not had the kind of insider roles in the Democratic Party or presidential administrations that Republicans with academic backgrounds like William J. Bennett, Lynne Cheney, Irving and William Kristol, and Chester Finn, all also beneficiaries of the conservative foundations, have had in that party. It is a breathtaking bit of sleight-of-hand that so many conservatives’ high-minded protests against the politicizing of higher education have come from individuals and foundations that are up to their neck in Republican politics and that have the power to incite government action against their academic opponents.
I do not doubt that many scholars who accept money from the conservative foundations maintain intellectual independence and integrity, and are motivated by their own beliefs. It is disingenuous of them, however, to claim they are not compromised by their sponsors’ motives of recruiting the best minds money can buy. These scholars claim that the sponsors do not dictate a line to them, which may be strictly true, but there have been cases of withdrawal of support to grantees who depart too far from the sponsors’ line. Ample evidence of sponsors’ direct control of studies by conservative think tanks and foundations has been provided by apostates from them like Michael Lind and David Brock.
Lind, in Up From Conservatism, writes: “The network orchestrated by the foundations resembled an old-fashioned political patronage machine, or perhaps one of the party writers’ or scholars’ guilds in communist countries. The purpose of intellectuals was to write essays and op-eds attacking liberals and supporting official Republican party positions.” Brock, in Blinded By the Right: The Conscience of an Ex-Conservative, describes the executives heading the conservative “counter-intelligentsia” as “Leninists of the right,” who exercise control over their subordinates that is “far more rigidly doctrinaire than the PC crowd that had so offended me [as an undergraduate] in Berkeley.”
Brock exposes the pseudo-scholarly trappings of conservative think tanks, mocking his own former title of “John M. Olin Fellow in Congressional Studies” at Heritage. He also recounts how Scaife, the biggest financier of right-wing attacks on Bill Clinton before and throughout his presidency, withdrew funding from Brock (who at that time was the highest paid political journalist in America) and later from The American Spectator when he found their writings about both Bill and Hillary Clinton insufficiently damning.
Conservatives insist that their studies should be judged solely on their intrinsic validity, and they dismiss any suggestion that their sponsored scholarship or journalism is tainted as a fallacy of guilt by association, poisoning the well, or argument ad hominem (perhaps ad lucrem would be the more appropriate term). But a rhetorician’s motives, associations, and past credibility are sometimes relevant considerations. Are we not justified in being more skeptical about the motives and merits of arguments presented by hired lobbyists (say, for the tobacco industry), party propagandists and spin doctors, advertising or public relations agents, than we are about those presented by independent scholars and journalists? So shouldn’t those who accept funding from the Republican-aligned foundations also be willing to accept the burden of proof on their independence?
Conservatives may not like the politics of us tenured radicals, but it would be hard for them to claim that many of us are in it for the money. For example, the Radical Caucus in MLA, to which I belong, for the past 30 years has been publishing the journal Radical Teacher. Its editors from the beginning have included such leftist notables as Richard Ohmann, Louis Kampf, Paul Lauter, and Lennard Davis, who are portrayed by conservatives as immensely powerful figures. (Lynne Cheney’s 1995 book Telling the Truth singled out Radical Teacher as a key organ of the leftist menace.) When academic leftists were starting out in the sixties, we were as marginalized as conservatives now claim to be. Many of us didn’t get jobs or were fired after gaining them, because of our politics. (This still sometimes happens, contrary to conservatives’ lurid accounts of leftist academic hegemony; some editors or contributors at Radical Teacher are afraid to list it on their vitas.)
To be sure, several radicals by now have indeed become tenured, respected, and in some cases — through the cultural contradictions of capitalism — have acquired endowed chairs, incomes in the (low) six figures, administrative positions, foundation grants, and other perks. (My own salary, more typically, peaked at around $65,000 after 35 years of teaching.) Their success, however, is mainly attributable to the quality of their ideas and scholarship developed over four decades, not to patronage. (Are there zealots, cronies, and incompetents on the academic left? For sure, though not demonstrably more than among those of any other ideological or theoretical bent, including conservatives, and they are disowned by more responsible colleagues.) No one has received a penny in payment for the countless hours they have put into the Radical Caucus or Radical Teacher, whose current financial balance amounts to $15,000, and which subsists solely on subscriptions and limited newsstand sales, with virtually no advertising and only small contributions by individuals.
Compare that record with the millions and millions spent by conservative foundations in the past three decades funding the National Association of Scholars (which in 2003 received $250,000 from the Scaife Foundations alone, according to the Scaife Web site), the American Council of Trustees and Alumni, Campus Watch, Horowitz’s enterprises, conservative student organizations, and research like Rothman, Lichter, and Nevitte’s. According to The Chronicle of Higher Education, Horowitz has been making upwards of $500,000 a year in personal income from Scaife, Bradley, Olin, and other foundation grants and college lectures, at $5,000 each, also subsidized by the same foundations through funding of conservative campus organizations.
One can understand that as conservatives see it, they are outnumbered, outspent, and discriminated against in the humanities and social sciences, and so they have turned to conservative foundations as their only recourse. Nothing should prevent them from doing this, but neither would anything prevent these acolytes of free-market competition and overcoming adversity through individual spunk from independently gaining a foothold in academia and expanding it purely through the value of their ideas and scholarship, as leftists have done over four decades. Again granting the integrity of many cultural conservatives, isn’t it coy of them to get indignant over any suggestion that multi-million-dollar patronage by special interests gives their beneficiaries an unfair advantage and is likely to attract opportunists?
It is also legitimate to ask how similar the kind of research on which conservatives’ cultural offensives are based is to the pseudo-scientific variety produced by corporate special interests through the usual foundations and think tanks (and all too often through ostensibly independent university scholarship) — research that purports to refute all evidence of corporate damage to the environment, health, and safety. The greatest danger of the machine that has been set up by Republican fronts, in science as well as in the humanities and social sciences, is that it has developed the capacity to take any finding produced through independent research or analysis, no matter how valid, and fabricate counter-research to discredit it, thus jamming the airwaves of public discourse to the point where ascertaining the truth is virtually impossible.
Conservatives have sanctimoniously denounced poststructuralist theories denying any objective truth and have accused leftists of being Orwellian twisters of the truth, but many of their own forces — political, journalistic, and academic — have cynically pursued the 1984-ish policies that truth is determined by whoever has the power to dominate public perceptions of it and that the righteousness of their ends justifies dishonest means such as distorting and ridiculing their opponents’ positions without substantive refutations (as my arguments here will predictably be distorted and ridiculed).
Thus, I do not think it is unfair to ask conservative scholars and journalists of integrity to demonstrate it by honestly addressing the ethical problems posed by Republican-aligned foundation sponsorship, by dissociating themselves from the more extreme positions of the Republican Party and its corporate, religious, and journalistic allies (e.g., Pat Robertson, Rush Limbaugh, and Ann Coulter), and by presenting a body of evidence proving that they apply the same critical standards and zeal to the forces of the right that they do to the left, along with similar evidence that their sponsors are willing to subsidize such criticism.
One such model of integrity is Nathan Glazer, the prodigious Harvard sociologist who throughout his long career has shown scrupulous independence, extending to his role as co-editor with Irving Kristol of The Public Interest, subsidized by the Olin, Bradley, and Smith-Richardson foundations. Although he identifies himself as a neoconservative, Glazer has written in defense of affirmative action and multiculturalism, and, as he noted in the final issue of The Public Interest this spring, “in defense of the more developed welfare states of Europe, which to my mind have created a better society than we have in the United States.” If such refreshing heresies against Republican orthodoxies were the rule rather than the exception in conservative intellectual circles, I would cease and desist from further criticism.
Here is a proposal that might forestall the further descent of polemics on these issues to the level of, “Yeah, and you’re one too!” Horowitz’s blog Discoverthenetwork.org comprehensively surveys the forces of what he defines as the American left in politics, the media, foundations, and academia, along with their sources and amounts of funding. Suppose that he, or like-minded conservatives, were to collaborate with leftists on assembling a comparable survey of the American right (including, say, major corporations and the military, along with university faculties in service to them, and the forces of the religious right), so that something like an objective comparison of relative power could be attained. Who will volunteer for such a project — and what foundations will fund it?
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Ummm, Bart, do you suppose you could number your paragraphs in some logical order and include a few connective and transitional devices? A tad hard to follow for those ofus unaccustomed to a rich diet of non sequitors.
lineal, at 6:53 am EDT on July 20, 2005
I am reminded of that crazy leftist radical, General Dwight David Eisenhower. That pinko commie warned against the military-industrial complex taking over the universities. He would not be surprised to see what is taking place today. Oh hold it—-he was a conservative republican? Oh my—-but he wasn’t REAL republican , right? Or a REAL christian, either I presume.
Mike, at 10:25 am EDT on July 20, 2005
Professor Lazere is right to question the influence of monied interests on the conservative agenda, but a few clarifications are in order.
1. The money from conservative foundations and think tanks is miniscule compared to the money from liberal and Left foundations and think tanks (including universities). The entire annual working budget of Heritage Foundation is around $30 million, not a lot compared to the budgets of the more Left wing departments around the country. And while Olin and others gave out grants of a quarter-million dollars to National Association of Scholars and the like, the Ford Foundation gives out a full $500 million every year. Three years ago, it gave the Civil Rights Project at Harvard $600,000 solely to create a network to advocate for affirmative action programs. The fact that liberal foundation money isn’t so narrowly tailored to liberal causes and that it goes against its corporate origins doesn’t change the overall slant to the Left.
2. Professor Lazere cites David Brock on the Leninism of the Right, that is, the Right’s demand that intellectuals follow the party line. Do we really want to take David Brock as a reliable source here? Don’t we need more evidence than that? I’ve attended meetings of MLA, American Studies Association, and a dozen other academic organizations, and I can say that there is a broader range of opinion, and greater tolerance for dissent, at a meeting of NAS or a symposium at American Enterprise Institute.
3. Finally, Professor Lazere tells people with conservative outlooks to do the work, commit to academe, and find jobs. This underestimates the barriers to doing so. In ed. schools, humanities departments, and the “softer” social sciences, a left-of-center ideology is buried into the nature of the disciplines. We don’t need overt political litmus tests. As Roger Bowen of AAUP said at an AEI meeting (AEI always invites dissident voices to its panels), disciplines such as anthropology are, by their very nature, critical of the status quo, questioning reigning notions of humanity and society, and so they always tilt to the Left. But then, what if you’re an aspiring anthropologist who isn’t critical of the status quo, but actually affirms aspects of it—not mindlessly, but critically? Well, your outlook won’t be recognized by anthropologists as anthropological.
The basic question of Professor Lazere’s commentary remains. Money corrupts. But money isn’t the only corrupter. The comforts of tenure, the insularity of academics, the power over students,. . . they, too, have their pitfalls.
mark, at 11:03 am EDT on July 20, 2005
Bart asks about a statistical pattern regarding the hiring and promotion of professors in academia. He seems to be saying that Professor Lazere is incorrect that peers make decisions about faculty, not patrons or parties. Regarding hiring, the patterns he is looking for are available in the Human Resources Department at every public university. Search committees are formed that must meet EEO approval, and advertising for positions must be documented so as to prevent any bias or cronyism. Decisions are made by a vote of the faculty, based on the recommendations of the hiring committee, which is made up of faculty and sometimes administrators and/or staff. At no time is a patron or party consulted, as that type of favoritism would be a violation of EEO standards. The terms for tenure and promotions are likewise available at any public university, often spelled out in union contracts or other such documents. Reappointment, tenure, and promotion committees are formed, and recommendations are made by the department, the chairperson, the dean, and the provost. Candidates must submit binders containing materials that prove they met the criteria for tenure, promotion, or reappointment. No political party or patron has a say in this process. I don’t know what type of “formula” Bart wants, but this is certainly a rigorous process that even Cheney and Bennet would have to say demands much productivity from the professors involved. I’m not sure what Bart’s objections are, but Professor Lazere is absolutely correct in what he states.
Bravo to Professor Lazere for an honest, substantial article on this timely subject!
William, at 11:15 am EDT on July 20, 2005
Kudos to Lazere for articulating so well the hypocritical pleadings of Horowitz and his fellow oppressed conservatives. When Horowitz (in his blog) blames 70 million deaths in WWII and 2.5 million deaths in Cambodia and now thousands more in Iraq on “left wing dissenters and pacifists,” and when he calls campus opponents of the War on Iraq “supporters of terrorism,” it’s hard for academics like myself to take him seriously. If Horowitz sincerely wants to “level the playing field,” he should try using rational thought instead of money-driven agitprop.
Tom, at 11:44 am EDT on July 20, 2005
Lazere’s call for a real determination of who’s who in academia might be misleading. A fascinating study last year suggested that self-defined conservatives tended to view mainstream media as “liberal,” for example. The same might apply to funding sources and foundations. Perhaps what is more to the point is the narrowing of political and academic discourse in the U.S., and what seems to be a decline of robust inquiry and curiousity. That should concern folks of all political inclinations in academia.
Marcy May, Assoc. Prof at WCSU, at 11:44 am EDT on July 20, 2005
“I am reminded of that crazy leftist radical, General Dwight David Eisenhower. That pinko commie warned against the military-industrial complex taking over the universities.”
Actually, Ike, as a vet (probably your favorite people), was trying to *control* rising military spending.
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/speeches/eisenhower001.htm
Also, some believe his speech was a reaction to a “macho” President-elect John F. Kennedy and JFK’s youthful enthusiasm for military adventures. (Ever heard of Vietnam?)
Finally, as a thrifty, central Kansan, I suspect Ike would have found someone with a tenured government job that paid $65,000/year, despite hundreds of qualified, potential replacements, to be very lucky.
Bart, at 5:01 pm EDT on July 20, 2005
“Bart asks about a statistical pattern regarding the hiring and promotion of professors in academia.”
Dude .. that’s called, quantitative methods. Like statistics. It’s a numbers thing.
If the author’s contention that such rigor is applied to hiring, statistical analyses should indicate that alleged rigor.
My guess is, if the author tried to get Vegas to take a bet that his contention would hold up under statistical analyses by five, independently chosen researchers, Vegas would take his bet ASAP. That’s because Vegas always likes to take a rookie’s money.
Bart, at 5:06 pm EDT on July 20, 2005
I will refer Bart back to my original post. I do not know what type of statistics he is looking for, but all of the information about hiring and promotion done at public universities is available by law at those institutions.
The contention of Professor Lazere was that college professors are hired and evaluated by their peers. Bart suggests that some sort of statistical analysis would refute that. I dare say that if he were to take the time, request the data, and examine it, he would see a 1:1 correspondence between the person hired or promoted and committees of that person’s peers making the evaluations. He would also see zero correspondence between the influence of liberal think tanks and hiring decisions. But Bart cannot expect us to do the work for him. Professor Lazere already supported his contention through logic and common knowledge within academia. In any argument, it is up to the opponent to produce the evidence to refute that contention. Bart cannot expect his opponents to produce further evidence when he has said or done nothing to counter the initial assertions. If he thinks quantitative evidence will supply his side with proof, then he must supply it. No evidence of any merit relies on the possibility of its own existence.
If Bart is suggesting that statistics would show something else, I welcome him to explain what he is talking about.
William, at 9:45 am EDT on July 21, 2005
Mark asserts that liberal think tanks outspend conservative think tanks. He reaches his conclusion by including universities as part of the liberal think tank. In this assertion, he is beggin the question, if the question is the supposed liberal bias of universities.
But let’s pretend for a second that Mark is right and that universities are part of the liberal think tank. What access do I or other intellectuals have to the media? Liberals do not own the vast right-wing talk radio market. Liberals do not own the right wing cable television networks. And despite conservative beliefs to the contrary, the network media stations are not liberal or beholden to the Democratic party or God forbid to parties considerably more progressive. Therefore, my access to the public is limited to the small portion of the citizens in this country who actually take my classes. Contrary to conservative beliefs, I do not preach politics in my class in the same way talk radio and cable television preach politics. I am bound by the conventions of my discipline and the outcome statements of the programs in which I teach. With the fairness doctrine a thing of the past, no such limits are placed on the conservative think tanks who monopolize the media.
Why is David Brock not a credible source? He has insider knowledge of both the left and the right. Both of his books that expose the falsehoods of the right wing are thoroughly documented. Perhaps Mark can explain the criteria by which he assesses credibility. Just because someone who was once on your side sees the truth and walks away does not mean that person is not credible
William, at 9:50 am EDT on July 21, 2005
If you smear the messenger, perhaps you can bury your head in the sand about the facts. Look, academia in the humanities is so far left it is simply unquestionable. Spend some time with a critical ear. Do your colleagues often bash Bush, Republicans, Fox News, and other conservatives with the implicit assumption that you share their views? A colleague of mine told me, “I can’t imagine that anybody in our department voted for Bush.” Wrong. But that is the ready assumption. Democrats are typically toward the right-wing of humanities departments.
Necessarily Closet Conservative, at 1:28 pm EDT on July 21, 2005
Anecdotal evidence will not take us very far. What I notice my colleagues saying does not translate into evidence of widespread bias in higher education because
1) My colleagues are not a representative sampling of higher education,2) What I do or do not notice is subjective.
Some time ago there was a big deal made of how many professors were registered Democrats, but does this translate into classroom indoctrination and/or distorted scholarship (as some conservatives allege)? If the answer is yes, then where is the nonanecdotal evidence of such?
If we are to be intellectually honest, we cannot just cherry pick the most egregious examples and then claim that they are representative.
But...I suppose none of this has much to do with Lazere’s essay above.
Thomas, at 4:35 pm EDT on July 21, 2005
Excuse me, but none of the conservative critics of my column have responded to its main points: that the big conservative foundations and many of those they fund, while posing as impartial champions of academic freedom, are in effect hired enforcers for the Republican Party and its corporate backers, while the same cannot be said for either “liberal” foundations or for university faculties in the humanities, in relation to the Democratic Party (in which few have the same kind of direct influence or support) or to corporate or any other sponsors. True or false? Evidence to the contrary?
The responses to date are classic illustrations of the desperate ruses conservatives use to evade and obscure central issues.
Donald Lazere, at 4:37 pm EDT on July 21, 2005
As to .. “he would also see zero correspondence between the influence of liberal think tanks and hiring decisions ..”
Dude — all the quantitative studies, so far, have indicated a bias to one political party — not the other.
Sir — where are your research studies? Did you lose them?
This is so jejune and laughable, it is no surprise the academic administration groups basically conceded many points to the other side.
As to .. “the same cannot be said for either “liberal” foundations or for university faculties in the humanities ..”
When research studies definitely show that certain worker groups (e.g., government workers) overwhelmingly support one political party (take a guess) — the author is delusional if he thinks the average person cannot see a connection between those workers and that political party’s dogma. Again — what a laugh!
As to “core issue” — when one is a tenured government worker (sometimes unionized), and there is very little incentive to perform in the classroom — is there a tendency, to just ‘mouth’ one’s dogma, rather than to work toward a more-encompassing spectrum of ideas? Is the issue, less about bias, than performance?
Me thinks thy author doth protest too much, to his detriment. Thanks to him, for helping make the case for student-directed charter funding.
http://www.coloradoan.com/news/co...ature2004/051104_collegevoucher.html
Bart, at 6:37 am EDT on July 22, 2005
Donald says that people in Right wing think tanks are “hired enforcers” for the Republicans. But this is to deny them any independent commitment to Right-wing causes and ideas. It could be that they actually believe in what they say, and that the think tanks are the only institutions that allow them a means to act upon it.
As for the remark that there is no necessary connection between the professors’ voter registration and their outlook in the classroom, that may be true in the empirical disciplines, but in education, law, the humanities, and the softer social sciences it is hard to credit. It also goes against the prevailing social theories in those very disciplines.
mark, at 9:13 am EDT on July 22, 2005
I certainly do not have time to waste. As Professor Lazere implies, this dialogue evades his major point in the typical way of conservative rhetoric—obfuscating issues, relying on personal opinions rather than facts and logic, and attacking the writer/speaker with dismissive and charged language. But let me give Bart once last chance: Try answering my questions as I posed them to you. Let me and the others know what your claim is. It sounds like you have veered away from Professor Lazere’s article entirely, but I am willing to give you a chance to demonstrate the connection. After you have clarified what your point is, supply this research you claim exists. Again, if you are making an assertion, you must back it up. It is not the responsibility of your opponent to try to dig up evidence for you. Since I am very confused as to what you are trying to say in relation to Professor Lazere’s article, I would not even know where to begin to try to find the research you claim exists of the influence of liberal think tanks on hiring decisions. Perhaps we need to clarify terms. But it is non-productive and foolish to debate an issue when the issue is not clear and—probably from what I can tell—not something asserted in the original article to begin with.
William, at 9:54 am EDT on July 22, 2005
OK .. I’ll simplify it, for you, Willie ..
The “America is always wrong” crowd is comprised of multi-millionaire Michael Moore and his like-minded Democrats, Ford Foundation leadership (vs. Ford Motor Co., which has its own foundation), and taxpayer-funded academics like the author. That is part of the vast left-wing conspiracy.
The author describes the right-wing conspiracy as Horowitz, his benefactor Mr. Scaife, et al.
The author is seriously deluded, if he thinks the average person would accept his contention that the left-wing conspiracy has been powerless against the right-wing conspiracy.
That is what elections are for, and his side lost in 2004 — period. Grow up, and get over it — China and India are taking U.S. jobs.
Bart, at 10:47 am EDT on July 22, 2005
Even if the major thesis of this article is in fact correct— that conservative critics of academia are often beholden to the GOP and the ubiquitous “corporations” (as if they care what goes on in English departments) whereas academic leftists do not tend to have serious connections to political organizations— I can’t help but think that this misses the truly serious issue. Liberal education has in many ways become ideologically monotone. After 4 years pursuing a humanities or social science degree, most students will have been exposed to the usual litany of leftist thinkers: Marx, Foucault, etc. How many will have actually read Strauss, Voegelin, Hayek etc.? Very few. The biggest problem is not that academics produce little leftist versions of themselves (that rarely happens) but that their narrow ideological range causes them to be boring teachers.
robert, at 11:22 am EDT on July 22, 2005
William:With his increasing ad hominem attacks, his O’Reilly-style invective, his recycling of trite slogans ("vast leftwing conspiracy,” “get over it,” etc.), and his unending non sequiturs, I think Bart has more than adequately demonstrated his unwillingness and/or inability to engage in any kind of civil, substantive discussion of the issues. To the extent that his behavior is characteristic of much conservative public discourse these days (e.g., Limbaugh, Coulter, Hannity, Liddy, O’Reilly, Michael Reagan, et al.), it goes against the very grain of rational intellectual thought as fostered in the academy and thus undermines his (and Horowitz’s) clamoring for a more ideologically-balanced professoriate.
In any case, he’s made your point for you. I wouldn’t waste any more time on him.
Tom, at 1:46 pm EDT on July 22, 2005
Hey, Willie — before you, the author, and the vast left-wing conspiracy go challenging the vast right-wing conspiracy, why don’t you try to match their methodological approach?
http://www.taemag.com/issues/articleID.17443/article_detail.asp
If you did, I’d donate $20 to MoveOn.org. Of course — I know there’s 99% chance, that will never happen. Folks from Hoboken know talkers from do-ers.
Have a nice day, everybody.
Bart, at 3:13 pm EDT on July 22, 2005
Professor Lazere accuses his critics of not responding to his main point that, unlike conservative foundations and think tanks,liberal foundations have few personnel who have been visible figures in the Democratic Party. Setting aside for the moment the weakness of his simplistic equation of “conservatism” with corporate interests and the GOP agenda, he apparently hasn’t made the slightest attempt to check the facticity of his own assertions about “liberal foundations.
He mentions four liberal foudations — Ford, Rockefeller, Carnegie and MacArthur. I’ve gone to thier websites as Lazere might easily have done and looked for bios of thier trustees. Extended bios aren’ t available for the Ford and Rockefeller trustees, but they are for those of the Carnegie Corporation and the MacArthur Foundation. Of the thirteen members of the MacArthur board two — Drew Days and Jamie Gorelick — were senior Clinton Administration officials, the former serving as Solicitor General, the latter as Deputy Attorney General. Among the sixteen trustees of the Carnegie Corporation,two are prominent Democratic politicians, former Governor James Hunt of North Carolina, and former Governor of South Carolina and Clinton Education Secretary, Richard Riley. Also on the board is Timothy Pickering, a career diplomat who was appointed Under Secretary of State by President Clinton. In addition, the board contains one prominent Republican politician, Tom Kean, the former Governor of New Jersey, widely regrded as a member of the party’s liberal wing. (Another member of the board who might be regarded as having some political significance is Janet L. Robinson, president of the New York Times Company.)
Lazere also mentions Robert Reich as an example of that “rare exception,” a faculty liberal who has played an insider role in the Democratic Party or a Democratic presidential administration. Strange that Larry Summers and Donna Shalala, academics who also served in the Clinton cabinet should have slipped his mind. Then there’s also Mary Frances Berry, currently professor of history at Penn, and former Assistant Secretary of Education in the Carter administration and Chair of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission through the Clinton years. Reich is hardly rare.
Can such sloppy argumentation have any credibility?
Glenn
Glenn, at 9:17 pm EDT on July 22, 2005
http://www.bepress.com/forum/vol3/iss2/art8/
Hey, buddy — the donation for MoveOn, awaits your research results. Have a nice day.
Bart, at 8:59 am EDT on July 23, 2005
Thanks to Glen for FINALLY providing some substantial evidence, of the kind that can advance a reasoned, civil discussion. I stand corrected on some of the points he makes about liberal foundation executives’ and academics’ roles in the Democratic Party. With that concession, I will refine my argument as follows, with an invitation for further, good-faith refinement of these complex issues from either political side.
First, the role of executives and trustees in most “liberal” foundations, and their relationship to their corporate patrons as well as the Democrats, is much less militant than that of their Republican counterparts in the leading conservative foundations like Richard Mellon Scaife, William Simon, or the Coors family. To reiterate my original question, can anyone here claim that any of the foundation Democrats Glen mentioned were such “visibly partisan” political or cultural warriors? And I reiterate that, while the conservative foundations act directly in the interests of their executives, patron corporations and the Republicans—in the manner of lobbies—the liberal foundations’ support of projects contrary to their wealthy patrons’ class interests seems to be evidence of philanthropic rather than propagandistic motives. What do conservatives think motivates them?
As for liberal academics in Democratic administrations, yes, I should have mentioned Donna Shalala and Mary Frances Berry along with Robert Reich. But Larry Summers? With Democrats like him, or Richard Riley as Clinton’s Secretary of Education, who needs Republicans? Who among these has the omnipresent public visibility and partisan belligerence of Horowitz, Bill Bennett, Lynne Cheney, or Bill Kristol (a Harvard Ph.D who was Dan Quayle’s chief of staff and who currently acts as a Republican point man at Rupert Murdoch’s The Weekly Standard and on every TV interview show)?
This gets into the whole question of what it means for academics to be Democrats. My column did not delve into the complex of reasons that most faculty members, at least in the humanities and social sciences, vote Democratic. Whatever the significance of that fact may be, it is diminished by the very diffuseness of the Democratic Party, which is splintered between its conservative, centrist, and liberal wings (the first two, which have prevailed in recent decades, being barely distinguishable from the Republicans in their captivity to corporate big money). Many who vote for Democrats as the lesser of evils detest those like the Clintons and Kerry who consistently sell out liberal and left constituencies, and would prefer a European-style multiparty system including socialist and labor parties.
What might a really liberal Democratic administration look like? How’s this?
President: Bernie Sanders Vice President: Maxine Walters Secretary of State: Noam Chomsky Secretary of Defense: Daniel Ellsberg Attorney General: Lani Guinier Secretary of the Treasury: Paul Krugman Secretary of Commerce: Ralph Nader Secretary of Labor: John Sweeney (has a union leader ever held this post?) Secretary of Education: Jonathan Kozol Secretary of HUD: Jesse Jackson Secretary of Health and Human Services: Barbara Ehrenreich Secretary of the Interior: Lisa Renstrom (President, Sierra Club) Secretary of Agriculture: Wendell Berry National Endowment for the Humanities: Toni Morrison, Cornel West, or Fredric Jameson Head of FCC: Jeff Cohen (of Fairness and Accuracy in Media)Presidential Press Secretary: Molly Ivins
I am joking, of course, but my point is that any administration of real liberals would be anathema to the present Democratic power elite.
Donald Lazere, at 2:44 pm EDT on July 25, 2005
“I am joking, of course, but my point is that any administration of real liberals would be anathema to the present Democratic power elite.”
This reminds me of listing to Howard Zinn on NPR. When asked which U.S. president he thought was best, Zinn pointed out flaws in all of them, including FDR.
If the goal is a Socialist, Democrat-Socialist, or Euro-Socialist government — why not just come out and say it? Then knowledgeable readers would know, the goal in question is 50+ years off — with money in politics still an issue.
Good luck to the author, finding Republicans — or Democrats, for that matter — who want to work with him, on his concept.
Bob, at 5:27 pm EDT on July 25, 2005
Since you ask, Bob, my goal is not a Euro-Socialist government, but as an English teacher trying to foster critical thinking and civic literacy, I do consider one of my goals making students aware of a full range of ideological perspectives. That includes a broadening of the American political, journalistic, and educational range of ideological perspectives that would allow more of a hearing for democratic socialist and social-democratic ideas, which are part of the cultural mainstream in most other contemporary democracies (as anyone with the slightest knowledge of the world beyond American ethnocentrism knows). The range of American political discourse is pathetically limited to often-superficial differences and trivial debates between two equally corrupt parties that are captive to corporate America and the military-industrial complex. Political parties come and go historically; who ordained that the Republicans and Democrats are eternal verities as the only American options?
I don’t think even most conservative intellectuals, though they revile socialism, believe that democratic socialist views should be banned from American public discourse. But America today has a weakened working class and long-lost socialist presence, caused partly by the discrediting of American socialism by the dominance of the Communist Party in the 20th Century. Corporations and the profit motive run just about everything. Can capitalists be expected to finance activities supporting socialistic policies, which are both unprofitable and in opposition to capitalism? So if college courses and foundations are among the few media that allow a voice for views not controlled by corporations, isn’t that healthy for the cause of free thought and expression? (This is not to condone voicing them in a coercive manner, which is as deplorable as suppressing them.)
Why are conservatives so terrified at the notion of socialist views being expressed in these realms that they have poured hundreds of millions of dollars in the past thirty years into overwhelming them? Why do they hysterically depict corporate-servant Democrats like Clinton and Kerry as radical socialists? And why do they smear democratic socialists by distorting their beliefs and equating them with their deadly enemy, Communism—when such red-baiting would be recognized as nonsensical anywhere else in the world? Hillary Clinton’s timid steps toward national health insurance, long taken for granted in other democracies, were savaged by conservatives, led by Bill Kristol, as a slippery slope toward the Gulag Archipelago.
Then there’s the kind of self-contradiction Bob expresses. Half the time conservatives demonize teaching socialist views as a menace to American youth. The other half they ridicule teaching socialist views because they are out of the American mainstream and scoff that their “goal. . . is 50+ years off.” Well, if these views are so marginal, shouldn’t they perhaps be encouraged, as a safeguard against a capitalist monopoly restricting free thought, rather than reviled? Bob’s phrasing seems to imply that democratic socialism is an idea ahead of its time in America. If it takes 50 years to nurture a social advance, why not let the nurturing begin instead of trying to stifle it?
Donald Lazere, at 5:05 pm EDT on July 27, 2005
“Bob’s phrasing seems to imply that democratic socialism is an idea ahead of its time ..”
Sir — again — you live in the USA, benefitting from a government pension fund that has a capitalized asset base of more than $1 million, with stocks in capitalistic firms like Microsoft, Cisco, Intel, IBM, GM, Ford, etc.
If you think U.S. capitalism is so terrible — why don’t you turn over your assets to the poor? And persuade Teddy Kennedy to do the same?
Again — you are free, in the USA, to do whatever you want, and you have the financial means to get started, if you want to and think you can.
Indeed — what are you waiting for? Why wait for your opponents to join your grand scheme? For starters, why don’t you conduct your own empirical research, to support your position?
Again — where are your empirical study results? For the last three years, your opponents have been raining down empirical data, using methods used in EEO/AA cases.
http://www.taemag.com/issues/arti...ww.bepress.com/forum/vol3/iss2/art8/
Your opponents’ empirical data has shown an overwhelming bias towards one political party, so overwhelming that the academic administration groups capitulated in near-record time.
Sir — it is you, who needs to do something, before anyone will join your grand plan. Again — having criticized both major political parties — I wish you well, trying to persuade either one of them to work you.
Have a nice government-funded retirement. Good luck to you, Hil, and John Kerry, in persuading an already-stressed public to pay for your grand plans.
http://www.factcheck.org/article332.html
Bob, at 9:27 pm EDT on July 27, 2005
In what I imagine will be the final word in this discussion, I must say I am disappointed at the lack of substantive conservative responses to my column and follow-ups. I hoped for a reasoned, civil level of argument from colleagues like my friends in NAS (who always vaunt their commitment to academic civility), not the incoherent, irrelevant ravings and personal insults that marked most of the responses, with Glen’s being the most admirable exception.
Most of the responses just kept referring back to the conservative studies showing a preponderance of Democrats in academia. But I never disputed these studies here, and they were irrelevant to my arguments. This is yet another instance of the way Republicans these days appear to be trained to argue: “Stay on message” and “Just keep repeating your talking points,” “Obfuscate, insult, and toss in every non sequitur and red herring you can think of,” to evade responding to substantive rebuttals of your positions.
Few of the responses even TRIED to refute my following key points:
1. The major conservative foundations to a large extent fund think tanks, organizations like NAS, and individuals, not as autonomous scholars, but as propagandists for corporate-capitalist ideology. These foundations are also branches of the Republican Party attack apparatus, though their beneficiaries include a handful of conservative Democrats to provide a fig leaf of nonpartisanship. Comparable arguments cannot reasonably be made about “liberal” foundations in relation to their parent corporations (whose motives appear to be more philanthropic than propagandistic), or to the Democratic Party, in the sense of foundation executives being bellicose party chieftains like Richard Mellon Scaife and William Simon. (Partial exceptions are George Soros’s foundations and the Center for American Progress, though they again support projects opposed to their patrons’ own corporate interests, and were conceived recently and precisely as a counterforce to the conservative foundations.) Despite the unquestioned intellectual integrity of some beneficiaries of the conservative foundations, they are in an intrinsically compromised situation, which they should at least honestly acknowledge and deal with by showing that they are willing to deviate from the corporate and Republican party line, in the manner of Nathan Glazer. (I could be wrong about all this, of course, and I am open to further substantive evidence to the contrary, along the lines of Glen’s.)
2. Few Democratic academics are comparable, in being ensconced in the higher circles of their party and in constant public visibility, to Republican culture warriors like David Horowitz William J. Bennett, Lynne Cheney, Irving and William Kristol. They do as much to politicize culture and education as any tenured radical and have the power few Democratic academics have, to incite government action against their academic opponents.
3. To make a big deal out of most academics being Democrats is to ignore the diffuseness and inner divisions of the Democratic Party, whose present leaders are not sharply different from the Republicans in their captivity to corporate big money and the military-industrial complex. A more meaningful distinction would be between mainstream Democrats and those who would prefer a European-style multi-party system including socialist and labor parties. I argued that college teachers are justified in presenting students with the latter perspective, to broaden cognitive options beyond the parochially narrow scope of the Democrat-Republican binary. (In a hilarious non sequitur, Bob “refuted” this argument by saying I should be personally obliged to give away all my money to the poor! He also implied that it is hypocritical of socialists to benefit from Social Security; perhaps he is unaware that Republicans railed against it in its New Deal origin as socialistic, or that we all finance it through payroll deductions.)
4. Conservatives like Bart, Bob, and some of the legislators pushing the “Academic Bill of Rights” seem to have the idea that professors, especially in public colleges, should just conform to the will of the majority of “taxpayers” at any given moment (though that will is notoriously fickle, as in the reversal of public opinion in support of the Iraq War). These conservatives need a crash course in the concepts of academic autonomy and the history of figures in the humanistic tradition whose enduring greatness lay in their defiance of majority opinion and government authority in their day, like Socrates, Jesus Christ, the American Puritans and Revolutionary leaders, Henry David Thoreau, and Martin Luther King. Thus the public should recognize that teachers in the humanities do their duty precisely by acting as a Socratic gadfly to the body politic. (I think David Horowitz understands this, though many of the politicians jumping on his bandwagon don’t.)
5. My column concluded with an invitation to conservative intellectuals to collaborate with liberals and leftists in compiling an objective study of the relative financing of the American right and left, encompassing corporations, unions, the military, the media, advocacy organizations including religious ones, PAC’s, lobbies, law firms, advertising and public relations agencies, foundations, think tanks, and professional organizations, as well as all branches of universities, colleges, primary and secondary education. And I invited the conservative foundations to help fund this study. What objection could they or anyone else have to such a proposal? If they think it would support their side, shouldn’t they rush to fund it? I’m still waiting.
In all seriousness, I ask my friends in NAS whether they consider conservative arguments at the level of Bart’s and Bob’s respectable and embrace their authors as allies. I hope not, any more than I accept Ward Churchill as an ally. If they do, alas, perhaps the inference to be drawn is that the paucity of Republican professors might be due less to Democratic bias than to Republicans’ lack of concern for reasoning and arguing coherently at all.
By the way, David Horowitz, whom I do consider a capable polemicist, has agreed to an online dialogue with me pursuing these matters, on his blog discoverthenetwork.com. Stay tuned.
Donald Lazere, at 2:02 pm EDT on July 29, 2005
“1. The major conservative foundations to a large extent fund think tanks, organizations like NAS, and individuals, not as autonomous scholars, but as propagandists for corporate-capitalist ideology.”
There’s a vast left-wing conspiracy, and a vast right-wing conspiracy. What’s the significant difference — one lectures about higher taxes and the other lectures about higher morals?
“2. Few Democratic academics are comparable, in being ensconced in the higher circles of their party and in constant public visibility, to Republican culture warriors like David Horowitz William J. Bennett ..”
See Glenn’s comments.
“3. To make a big deal out of most academics being Democrats is to ignore the diffuseness and inner divisions of the Democratic Party ..”
What part of “Kerry lost” isn’t understood? Is a new form of reality, being constructed?
“4. Conservatives like Bart, Bob, and some of the legislators pushing the “Academic Bill of Rights” seem to have the idea that professors ..”
Thank you, for continuing to make the case, for higher-ed charters.
http://www.coloradoan.com/news/co...ature2004/051104_collegevoucher.html
When students begin de-selecting colleges that provide little career preparation, that’s when we will see, how fast those colleges can be with a calculator.
” .. If they think it would support their side, shouldn’t they rush to fund it? I’m still waiting.”
Right — that happens, right after Howard Dean and Ken Melman start helping the Libertarians, the Greens, et al. Let us know, when the cow jumps over the moon, too, will ya?
IHE — please let us know, when Howard Dean begins helping the Libertarians, will ya? Thanks — love ya.
Bart, at 7:16 am EDT on July 30, 2005
In reference to Lazare’s point that the far left is not represented as much in government, if you think about this, neither is the far right. For anyone that wants to have a comparative cabinet of Nazis to the Socialistic, the answer of the lack of representation of the far left could easily be replicated on the far right, if we are to simply go to the rolls of the National Socialist Movement (i.e. the American Nazi party).
The actual government for the last century has been far more moderate than anyone on either side would like to admit. This is not a bad situation – think about the implications of seeing Ted Kennedy shaking hands with a National Socialist Movement Senator as they have defeated some Republican idea, or of Tom DeLay shaking hands with a Communist Representative, having defeated some Democratic idea. This would be enough to truly infuriate the moderates, even if the Congress were more representative of the wide range of immoderate beliefs.
As for the connection of political affiliation and research, it is utterly preposterous to assume that the idea that political opinions never end up in research. They do, and a quick reading of the subject lines of research on, say, welfare, or affirmative action will show that the majority favor the more liberal positions. This reflects not that more Americans favor these ideas or that they are inherently better, but rather that more researchers are working from these premises.
The University system is predominantly leftist to the point that most people, who are not, but have an interest in research either give up or go to enclaves of conservativism – think tanks, where their views are appreciated, rather than ostracized as “ignorant” or “evil.”
The funding, I believe, comes more because that the corporations see research that they agree with, and therefore, provide funding to have continue. I am quite certain that the vast majority of the researchers in Republican think tanks would still hold the same opinions even if they were in academia or in the corporate world – the companies don’t so much create scholarship as support that which they agree with.
Some of the most liberal groups in the world are taxpayer funded (look at the institutes at UC-Berkeley). There is little need, therefore, for rich liberals to fund groups to represent their interests – university scholarship is weighted in that direction, as is the taxpayer funded research. This is no less questionable than the corporate funded institutes – when does the government welfare programs get questioned, except as not being generous enough by these university institutes? How about the very idea that the government has to pay for research?
Lastly, it should be pointed out that on the average, there are a lot few rich liberals than rich conservatives, and that typically, rich liberals have connections to the finite resources of foundations, rather than the massive wealth of fortune 500 companies. It may be a case of not having the money to launch and support ultra-liberal think tanks to the same degree, not that it would be unethical to do so, even if they found it necessary.
Kevin, Undergraduate, at 2:01 pm EDT on August 17, 2005
“The Nation” crowd enjoys pontificating about the need to “teach students how to think critically.”
If they stopped talking and tried listening, they’d find out, the students are as critical and cynical as they are.
But, then, talking into an echo chamber is more fun than listening and learning new ideas, isn’t it?
Bart, at 11:30 am EDT on August 27, 2005
In my own 4 years of college I ran into only one overtly liberal democrat professor who stated both his own bias at the beginning and who did not let his bias affect the way he ran the classroom. On the other hand I ran into over a dozen overtly liberal professors who did in fact let their liberal bias dictate their policies. One professor (English Department) specifically took points off for in her words “politically incorrect speech or writing". Another was so overtly biased that she spent most of the class praising Bill Clinton and saying “Republicans were evil". Still another was biased as to claim the greates president in the history of the US was Bill Clinton because “he created so many jobs". Her reasoning for this was one day she went into a department store that was very busy (during the Christmas season) and when talking to the sales lady she found out that the store was hiring. I of course couldn’t let that go so I pointed out that during Clinton’s presidency the greatest wave of bank consolodation occured causing the loss of hundreds of thousands of banking jobs. Of course not only my personal knowledge led to this fact but the previously mentioned liberal un-biased prof, could back me up (you see before being a professor his job was with a HR company who was contracted to send out those thousands of termination notices to people during the Clinton years.)
And of course there was the Anthropology Professor whose Leftist bias infected every part of the course. One example from our test was a true false question “All sociologist have proven that gun control prevents crime?” The answer is obviously false since UMass professors of sociology conducted a study that was biased to prove that very point and found the evidence overwhelming that gun control does not reduce crime. But if you wrote false you got it wrong. She would stick to the textbook regardless of whether it was right or not. And anything, that did not agree with its leftist bias, was rejected. The entire textbook was nothing more than leftwing propaganda. If you agreed with her anything you said was accepted on face value, but if you disagreed with her or the book you would be shouted down and accused of being disruptive, and that your argument was unsupported, after one class I made a point to bring in stacks of studies to prove my point. She once even accused me of not providing sufficient evidence to prove my point when I was the only one in the class to list and bring in my references, and studies. Facts never stood the the way of her pushing her politics. (she of course was the department head who had final decision on disagreements regarding the class.)
In that 4 years I also had only one actually conservative professor and he was a Physical Science professor (chemistry, physics, geology).
And further I had only 2 or three professors that had absolutely no overt political bias from which you could determine.
But all the rest were liberal and all promoted their liberlism through the courses they taught, but not to the degree as the prviously mentioned ones.
For those of whom think that I am complaining because of grades, out of 41 classes taken, I got 1 B (Intro to Anthropology (a 100 level) liberal teacher previously mentioned, with “A"s from 3 other Anthropogogy Professors (all 300 and 400 level courses), 2 “A-"s (the previously mentioned English prof was one the other was a Business Law class, for which I would have gotten an “A” if not for the fact that I was working a job that required lots of overtime, and I was awake for over 50 straight hours without sleep or study time right before taking the final). That’s it everything else was straight “A"s even in the classes with very liberlly biased professors, who desperately looked for anything, in some cases, to avoid giving me the grade I got and deserved.
Gerry, at 6:55 pm EDT on July 25, 2006
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Waiting for Jane Fonda’s grant
“Suppose that he, or like-minded conservatives, were to collaborate with leftists ..”
Persons with this belief often benefit from government pension asset bases worth millions of dollars (i.e., Drucker’s pension socialism).
When such persons show the courage of their convictions and invest their own money in such a project — and not just passing time in retirement with still more Utopian ideas — that is when the public *might* listen. As Harry Truman might say “show me.” Or, as they say in Hoboken, “money talks, B.S. walks.”
As to the aforementioned and .. “it’s time to call attention to their frequent origin in organizations funded by Republican-aligned foundations ..”
Is the author suggesting government defunding of higher education? That is, if Democrat Socialists, Democrats, Communists, Republicans, and political independents can’t agree on ABOR — one potential outcome is defunding. Oh, my ...
As to “likewise, the terms of faculty hiring and salary are normally determined by peers, not patrons or parties ..”
Well, if there is such rigor involved, there must be a statistical pattern that can be shown, via mathmatical formula. Please advise, when you plan to present that formula, for critiquing. I’m sure, Drs. Cheney and Bennett will have a few words to say.
Bart, at 6:09 am EDT on July 20, 2005