News, Views and Careers for All of Higher Education
Aug. 22, 2006
One obstacle to reasonable public and scholarly dialogue on the alleged political biases of liberal or leftist professors has been the tendency of David Horowitz, the American Council of Trustees and Alumni, and many of their allies to fall into various versions of the ad populum fallacy, to the effect that there is something wrong with professors because they are out of step with the majority of the American people, who (at least in public institutions) pay their salary through taxes. Thus Larry Mumper, the Republican introducing Horowitz’s “Academic Bill of Rights” in the Ohio legislature, asked in an interview with The Columbus Dispatch, “Why should we, as fairly moderate to conservative legislators, continue to support universities that turn out students who rail against the very policies that their parents voted us in for?” The implication is that professors and their students should tailor their political views to follow the latest public opinion polls or election results.
Politicians like Mumper, along with many media blowhards and members of the public who revile professors, appear to have little more familiarity with the nature of humanistic scholarship than they do with that of brain surgery — though they would not presume to tell brain surgeons how they should operate, even in a tax-supported hospital. The former field is at the disadvantage that it addresses public issues on which everyone does and should have an opinion. There is a difference, however, between just any such opinions and those derived from standards of professional accreditation (upwards of 10 years graduate study for a Ph.D. and 7 more for tenure), systematic scholarship, and academic discourse. That discourse is based on the principles of reasoned argument, rules of evidence and research procedures, wide reading and experience, an historical perspective on current events, open-minded pursuit of complex, often-unpopular truths, and openness to diverse viewpoints. (For a fuller, excellent discussion of the differences between popular and academic discourse, see “From Ideology to Inquiry,” by Anne Colby and Thomas Ehrlich). This also means that academic discourse should stand independent from government pressure and public opinion, in a similar manner to the ideal of a free, independent press. That is why taxpayers should be willing to support the autonomy of the academy, within reasonable limits, whether or not it agrees with their personal views.
I have spent 30-some years in conservative communities and state universities, teaching lower-division English argumentative writing and literary history courses that are general education requirements for students in business or technological majors, many of whom would not have chosen to take any such courses and resent them as increasingly costly obstacles to the most direct path to a high-paying job. Most such students are conservative, not in any intellectual sense, but in the sense (which they admit) of fearfully conforming to the political and economic status quo, to the attitudes that will be expected of them as compliant employees, and to the necessity of looking out for number one in the “Survivor” sweepstakes of the global economy. Such students are not likely to welcome the cognitive dissonance forced on them by humanities courses demanding Socratic self-questioning of their sociopolitical or religious dogmas, and they are wont to express their resentment, if not in complaints to Horowitz, in the course evaluations that have been debased into consumer-satisfaction surveys in which the top-ranked teachers provide the fewest demands and the highest grades.
Now, we might expect both liberal and conservative scholars and other intellectuals to agree, at the least, in opposition to all of these forces that are detrimental to humanistic education. Conservative disciples of Plato, Matthew Arnold, Leo Strauss, and Allan Bloom decry the contamination of both elite education and enlightened government by the ignorant masses and “philistine” (in Arnold’s term) commercial interests. Conservative intellectuals from the early formulators of neoconservatism like Irving Kristol and Nathan Glazer to recent figures like spokespersons for the National Association of Scholars, Lynne Cheney (when she ran the National Endowment for the Humanities), and even Horowitz have positioned themselves as champions of high academic standards, the humanistic traditions of Western Civilization, and Arnoldian disinterestedness — against the alleged debasement of those principles by academic and cultural leftists. Shouldn’t they be equally outspoken against the debasement of higher education by turning it over to public opinion polls, partisan legislation, job training and other service to corporations or professions, and student-consumer popularity contests, as well as by ever-mounting tuition and declining financial aid restricting access to the wealthy and white (except for varsity athletes, of course)?
To the contrary of the facile equation, by some conservative and left intellectuals alike, of “the Western humanistic tradition,” with political conservatism, we liberal scholars have on our side the central role in that tradition of dissent and resistance to the authority of governments, churches, the wealthy, and majority opinion. We invoke Thomas Jefferson’s Enlightenment skepticism in urging his nephew Peter Carr, “Question with boldness even the existence of a God; because, if there is one, He must more approve of the homage of reason than that of blindfolded fear.” And we cite Jefferson’s model of tax-funded, free, universal public education through the university level, which, if it had been adopted nationally, “would have raised the mass of people to the high ground of moral respectability necessary to their own safety, and to orderly government; and would have completed the great object of qualifying them to select the veritable aristoi, for the trusts of government, to the exclusion of the pseudalists.” (That is, the aristocracy of merit over that of wealth and hereditary power.)
We also invoke Ralph Waldo Emerson’s exhortations for scholars and other intellectuals to “defer never to the popular cry,” to stand up against majority opinion, unjust governmental power (specifically on issues of his time like support for slavery and the Mexican-American War), and corporate plutocracy; in “The American Scholar” he speaks of “the disgust which the principles on which business is managed inspire.” We follow Emerson up with his disciple Henry David Thoreau’s “Life Without Principle” (“There is nothing, not even crime, more opposed to poetry, to philosophy, ay to life itself, than this incessant business”), and “Civil Disobedience”: “Why does [government] not cherish its wise minority?... Why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ, and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and pronounce Washington and Franklin rebels?”
This conception of liberal education as a minimal counter-force to the political and economic status quo, as well as to majority opinion, is fraught with difficulties and possible abuses, to be sure. Can we, or should we, avoid revealing our own moral or political sympathies in class? Should we, for example, teach Plato, Jefferson, Emerson, and Thoreau (or Frederick Douglass, Rosa Parks, and Martin Luther King) as inspirations for existential moral choices, or simply as subjects of neutral study, perhaps as representatives of a particular viewpoint or “bias,” always to be balanced against sources on “the other side,” including equal time for defenses of slavery and segregation? Moral judgments are of course less disputable in reference to such past conflicts than to present ones like the war in Iraq or affirmative action; neither conservative nor liberal polemicists have provided a clear road map for how teachers should deal with current moral disputes and public opinion about them.
In broader terms, both conservative and liberal educators have long lamented the political illiteracy of the American public in general and college students in particular. However, amid all the mutual recriminations about this and related issues in academic politics, there has been sadly little constructive discussion of the appropriate time, place, and manner for the fostering of civic literacy in either secondary or college education. My impression is that the exhortations of NAS, ACTA, and other conservative educators for core liberal arts curriculum and more requirements in history — with which I happen to agree — fall short of outlining a coherent curriculum and pedagogy for critical citizenship. (On the flip side, many liberal advocates of multiculturalism and diversity have failed to delineate what kind of studies American students of all ethnic, gender, and social-class groups need for minimal common knowledge as citizens.) In such a curriculum and pedagogy, students would not merely be indoctrinated into American chauvinism and simplistic “virtues,” as some on the right advocate, but would be encouraged to think critically about competing ideological or moral viewpoints (in party politics, journalistic and entertainment media, as well as scholarly sources) about American and world history, as well as about the present world.
The pedagogical approach that I personally have developed over the years applies Gerald Graff’s principle of “teaching the conflicts,” in presenting students out front with the current debates on such issues and disclosing my own left-of-liberal viewpoint on them, as exactly that — one perhaps biased viewpoint among other possible ones, to be understood in relation to opposing ones and studied through the best conservative vs. liberal or leftist research sources that students can find, leaving it up to them to evaluate the opposing arguments, and grading them on their skill in researching and analyzing sources. I do not claim that mine is a foolproof approach, but most of my students have found it a fair one throughout the years, and I have heard few alternatives, especially from conservative educators.
There are daunting problems here in persuading the public, politicians, and students to respect academic expertise, autonomy, and the role of higher education as a Socratic gadfly to the body politic. At the same time, scholars have a responsibility to show consideration and discretion toward public opinion, and toward students who dissent from our opinions. But cannot conservative and liberal scholars at least join in endorsing these general principles, while scrupulously addressing the difficulties in implementing them, through civil dialogue? And shouldn’t some of the foundations, professional organizations, or government agencies that have channeled their resources into partisan battles in the culture wars be willing to sponsor a bipartisan task force pursuing such a dialogue in quest of resolutions to these problems?
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It is strange that there is so much talk of leftist academia; the vast majority of students majoring in one discipline (at least at my university, a self-described liberal arts school) are business administration and/or some other business derivative such as accounting, finance, or marketing. As for the business faculty, virtually all of them are “conservative,” though some of them suffer from forms of economism and are thus liable to have radically libertarian views.
As for my faculty (philosophy), there are several conservatives, including classicists, medievalists, and Straussians. It is also interesting to note that it makes sense for much of the faculty to be politically liberal. They are highly educated but make considerably less money than many less educated peers in similar fields, so they do not benefit from many policy decisions geared toward benefitting wealthy individuals. Furthermore, tax dollars are often significant sources of funding for univerisites which are continuously strapped for funding in the liberal arts. Performance pay, evaluative decisions, issues of scandal, etc. further restrict the freedom of professors to be provocative as well as push the boundaries of contemporary thought; why would the faculty then turn around and thank the administrators and political authorities for their efforts to undermine the autonomy of faculty?
John, at 4:35 am EDT on April 18, 2008
Bi-partian approach? After what the far-left did to Joe Liberman?
Is a cow going to jump over the moon, first? I mean, really .. do we laugh first, then cry — or vice-versa?
Also note that in public soft-side academia, one of the two major political parties holds up to a 45:1 ratio.
When the heck is that going to change? The year 2425?
This is the second time in a year that this kind of dreamy, utopian idea has been floated.
What has been actually done by the originators to start such a program? Other than to spout-off about it, in theory and mere words? Instead of, better yet, putting up their own funds, first?
L.L., at 8:40 am EDT on August 22, 2006
One cannot expect conservatives to join this campaign if almost all its arguments are based on liberal assumptions—esp. when the call to do so is mixed in with some name calling and innuendo.
Douglas Lewis, at 2:30 pm EDT on August 22, 2006
Professor Lazare: A thoughtful and passionate article, though in the end, unconvincing and politically disingenuous. Your obligatory disparagements of David Horowitz (among others)—e.g., “we scholars speak a different language than the mere hoi polloi!"—is redolent of a mauvaise foi that I think even your mandarin nose can detect. Since the 1970s cultural conservatives like Horowitz have merely reacted to the overtly triumphalist politicizing of the curriculum promoted by leftist faculties (especially English faculties, when so many of their members abandoned real scholarship and teaching for social and political advocacy) and by smugly left-led organizations like the MLA. Horowitz et alii (like Socrates, who, unlike you, had no “credentials") have merely called leftist professors and their epigones to the intellectual agora to argue their views, though many opt for the simpler methods of ad hominem attacks and cognoscenti sneering. And when, predictably, cultural conservatives like Horowitz respond in the vigorous Roman way to such attacks and sneers, leftist academics correspondingly retreat in the more duplicitous Parthian manner all the while lamenting: “Cet animal est tres mechant! On l’attaque, il se defend!"Still, Professor Lazare, thank you for sharing and have an appropriate day.
jacques albert, at 2:30 pm EDT on August 22, 2006
I inadvertently misspelled Professor Lazere’s surname in my post—my apologies, Professor (no pun intended at the time).
jacques albert, at 2:30 pm EDT on August 22, 2006
That was “rethinking” the issue? Calling conservatives names and proposing that everyone embrace the status quo is “rethinking” the issue?
Bernardo O’Boyle, at 4:00 pm EDT on August 22, 2006
A long passionate defense of the academy and its Enlightenment traditions against its supposedly oppressive, academic freedom threatening, clearly reactionary critics. One question to Professor Lazere: who came up with the speech codes, now utterly rejected by our courts?
BrianGratton, Professor at Arizona State University, at 4:20 pm EDT on August 22, 2006
Jacques,
I’m trying to decide whether you’re being intentionally ironic. Please tell me it’s satire. I don’t want to believe that someone would accuse Professor Lazere of disingenuousness and “many” leftist professors of ad hominem attacks, all the while comparing David Horowitz to Socrates.
Really...it would do damage to my soul to hear such a thing was not meant in jest.
If you were just expressing a startlingly dry sense of humor, bravo, you’ve out-onioned the Onion by a large margin. If you are being serious it would be nice if you made an argument that doesn’t rely on sweeping generalizations (many of which are simply and verifiably wrong and all of which are disingenuous) and more logical fallacies than I could shake David Horowitz at.
GW, at 5:15 pm EDT on August 22, 2006
As an old colleage of Don’s from Cal Poly, I generally agree with his defense of academic freedom. I have never voted Republican in my life, but I do not share the unwillingness of faculty to criticize the left when the left’s electoral impotence is so often clearly traceable to policies which outrage common moral convictions. How many anthropologists will admit that Margaret Mead was a liar, that Freud was a fraud and that there is no good scenario for sex in highschool? How many political science teachers will admit that the democrats have done little to defend our workers (still no punitive damages for unfair labor practices)or overseas workers? How many philosophy teachers admit that a passionate love of truth is hard to square with a purely material definition of human nature? Or that it is a cheap shot too argue that since genuine miracles would be a reasonable motive to examine Christ’s claims, genuine miracles are a priori impossible? Since I am more open to examining all these questions, students who do vote republican complain to me about the indoctrination that goes on in their classes. I am the least tolerant of teachers, if by tolerance one means not letting students know where I stand, but most tolerant in letting them defend where they stand. I invite my colleagues to come to my classes to defend their contrary views. They rarely invite me. We won’t have genuine university intellectual lives until we have more Chestertons and Bellocs, and even Horowitzs on the loose.
Stanislaus J. Dundon, Professor Emeritus at CSU Sacramento, at 5:15 pm EDT on August 22, 2006
I’m one of those left-wing teachers, but I’m not too concerned about that affecting the way my students think, though I’m sure it does if only minutely. I’ve had some pretty right-wing students (a self-described member of the Klan for instance) who I was able to disabuse of some notions (that Thomas Jefferson had children with/by at least on slave). I make no apologies for my being a liberal at all and I don’t attack students for conversative views. I teach in an Air Force town with a lot of students from rural farming and ranching communities and these students come in with a pretty conservative, and often ill-formed, view of the world (like about any recent high school graduate who doesn’t attend an elite high school) because that’s what they’ve grown up with. They may see things a little differenlty once they’ve had me, though I doubt I could ever turn them into card carrying lefties even if that were my goal.
By the same token, I teach what might be some conservative texts. Last year the core text for my first year composition class was Tocqueville’s Democracy in America and this year it’s Lockes Treatises on Government. We’ll tie these texts into current events as much as possible, which I think we can readily do. I don’t necessarily teach any particular conflicts, nor from any overtly pc texts, and I hold my students to the same standards. They can’t write from a so-called liberal perspective and get away with sloppy work anymore than I beat up on someone who writes from a conservative perspective. I suspect most good teachers are this way, whether they are liberal or conservative.
Now, I don’t know if this is the case, but my sense is that education is populated by more liberals than conservatives because liberals are more willing to work for the common good whereas conservatives are more likely to take care of themselves, invoking their notions of personal responsibility, taking care of themselves as they expect others should do as well. Liberals are more likely to maybe work for less if they can help students get on in the world. I’ve no evidence for this, and may not have expressed myself well, but would be interested in what others think. And when I talk about helping students get on in the world, it means with as much understanding of how the world works as they can muster, which often means holding the statua quo and dominant powers and paradigms up to examination so students can see for themselves how well this status quo serves their needs, who wins and who loses in the various equations. If that’s liberal or pc, so be it.
bradley bleck, instructor at Spokane Falls CC, at 9:30 pm EDT on August 22, 2006
Bradley, I’m a uni teacher on the left too, and I appreciate and agree with your comments. The Horowitzian fear that such people as you and I—who as left-leaning but balanced and politically tolerant teachers, are predominant among left-leaning academics—the fear that we’re indoctinating students by shutting out rightwing views is absurd. Some few do do that, and the examples springing from their classes get blown up into exemplars of nearly the entire professoriate.
Based on my 17 years of teaching, your explanation of the conservative students’ tendency to fend for themselves rather than toil for relatively less material reward in service to others also rings true. But the conservative bias of our mainstream media, it seems to me, leads many among even the service-oriented majors to move on in conservative and thus self-contradictory terms, with an ideology whose tenants run counter to their own civic-minded ambitions.
The bigger problem I see is the conservative insistence on entry into the realm of hard thought and evidence-sifting when the explanations they offer for social phenomena are so relatively simple and context-free. “Why are people poor?” “Because,” says the conservative, “they’re lazy, or genetically inferior, or taught to be lazy through government handouts.” Never mind the complex, multigenerational effects of systemic classism and racism revealed by deeper scholarly investigation.
willie mink, at 4:25 am EDT on August 23, 2006
GW: Thanks for your post; with regret, I must return your conditional praise to sender. I meant what I wrote (note the last monosyllabic sentence—clear enough?). When I praised Horowitz, I only included one point of comparison to Socrates—neither had “credentials,” which Professor Lazere imagines divide sheep from goats on the issue of who might be permitted to petition the great chams (or shams—your choice here) of higher education for an audience. This “ne sutor ultra crepidam” arrogance is precisely the ad hominem (as opposed to the ad argumentum) plea—who you are, rather than what you say. I don’t recall the Socrates of the Apology (and of various dialogues)endorsing such a plea. Nor am I convinced that Socrates was very keen on “tenure” as an ancillary qualification for questioning received opinion. Nor did Socrates require payments from his students. But I do recall that he was a patriotic Athenian, and of course, a gadfly who challenged the prevailing “professional” “wisdom” of sophists and rhetoricians. No comparisons to Horowitz here? As for your sweeping generalizations (as well as “verifiably wrong,” “logical fallacies,” “disingenuous"—sans even one example) about my “sweeping generalizations,” the tu quoque must serve for my defence here, though I’m most keen on reading your weighty tome of correctives doubtless to be soon posted below. And as for the leftist damage done to higher education, I stand by the above comments, for given my stubbornly traditional view of logic, I cannot help but connect the effect with the cause.Cheers, GW. . . .
jacques albert, at 4:25 am EDT on August 23, 2006
More and more I see students entering college having internalized the (bipartisan) notion of education-as-commodity. This only makes more difficult the task of instilling in them habits of thoughtfulness and reflection, implicit in which is a questioning of the assumptions and biases hammered into their heads from early infancy onward.
Most of them depart after sixteen weeks more or less unmolested by critical inquiry, safely returning to the “real world” where the right wing dominates all three branches of government, as well as business, mass media, and, often, university administrations. This is in part why I am unmoved by the crocodile tears from the right over the private voting habits of liberal arts faculty.
This is also why right-wing culture warriors have no incentive to engage in good-faith discourse. They are ascendant, and therefore a simulacrum of discourse will do, when discourse is necessary at all. Witness some of the comments in this space.
Clark Iverson, Professor of English, at 6:40 am EDT on August 23, 2006
Jacques,
By no means will this be a weighty tome. However I will do what I can to put a finer point on yesterday’s admittedly rushed post.
Lazere wrote:
That discourse is based on the principles of reasoned argument, rules of evidence and research procedures, wide reading and experience, an historical perspective on current events, open-minded pursuit of complex, often-unpopular truths, and openness to diverse viewpoints.
Now on my reading of his piece, I didn’t get the impression that he is putting an all-important emphasis on credentials*. So long as the above cited standards of discourse are adhered to in one’s scholarship than I’m sure that Professor Lazere would be willing to engage with such a person. The problem with Horowitz is that he is unable or unwilling to accept and follow the standards of academia, yet he expects to be allowed access to and influence over the pursuit.
If public opinion the politics of the day were allowed to enter into how scholars research or how classes are structured it would be tantamount to throwing those rules out the window. Inviting Horowitz and others like him to participate in a discourse for which his work is simply not up to snuff would sully the whole endeavor.
*Indeed, there are many Professors at my institution and elsewhere without PhD’s or equivalent credentials. In my own department there is a former UN ambassador. Who, I might add, engages in scholarship of a much higher quality than Horowitz.
GW, at 10:00 am EDT on August 23, 2006
GW: Thanks for your follow-up posting. Your quotation about discourse from Professor Lazere is not in question here, merely the implication that traditionalists and conservatives (whether academic or non-academic, and especially the latter—in Horowitz’s case—when they challenge powerful campus vested interest groups) do not or insufficiently serve these ends. Try requiring post-structuralists, psycho-anal-ists, feminists, “theorists” (i.e., those afflicted with theorrhea), and many Marxists (where “assertions leap out of a mass of verbiage"—G. Graff) so gushed over in “humanities” departments even to pay lip service to the Laws of Thought (so much for Professor Lazere’s short litany of “academic” virtues, which also inform non-academic argumentation—and most certainly Horowitz’s. “Read him, and read him again, and if you do not like him. . .” (you know the rest). Yet I do think he would accept an “oderint dum metuant” victory if “gentle persuasion” fails. What I suspect irritates academic, “do-as-I-say” leftists like Professor Lazere most about Horowitz is that his passionate but carefully reasoned argument carries far outside the echo-chambers of academia and beyond the reach of some institutions’ speech police. As for your reference to “politics of the day,” I read “light of day."I’m happy to hear there’s a former UN ambassador in your department; would that your department would offer the current UN ambassador such a position when he retires. Cheers again, GW
jacques albert, at 11:55 am EDT on August 23, 2006
For the most part, I appreciate the tone of your posts, but I cannot get past the misrepresentation of Don Lazere. You characterize Don as an “academic, do-as-I-say leftist,” yet you offer no support. Just to stick with his article here and not go into his professional record, Don clearly is calling for dialogue to resolve problems. By suggesting principles that might guide such a dialogue, he is not forcing anyone to follow his politics or demanding that anyone adhere blindly to his beliefs. Rather, he is trying to find common ground between reasonable conservatives and reasonable liberals. I also wonder why you do not take Don at his word regarding the reasons behind his dislike of Horowitz. Why offer a motive other than the one Don has provided? Don feels Horowitz is abusing the ad populum fallacy in his public rhetoric. He believes that if the public succumbs to this fallacy, it could lead to limits to the academy’s autonomy and make universities little more than mouthpieces for the government. Don does not fear the “passion” of Horowitz. Don despises the abuses of reasoning and the misuses of rhetoric that too often characterize Horowtiz’s attacks on liberals and leftists. If you feel Don is being disingenous and has not revealed his true agenda, offer some support for your contentions. Otherwise, argue with his ideas, not what you want his ideas to be.
william thelin, at 1:45 pm EDT on August 23, 2006
Jacques,
William Thelin beat me to the punch in replying to much of your post. I agree with him wholeheartedly that you are misrepresenting Lazere’s position.
However, there are a couple of issues Thelin did not address which I think you need to explain. First, please explain why we should expect or even want theorists in whatever discipline to adhere or pay lip service to the laws of thought? It seems to me that there is a rich tradition of Philosophers argueing against and/or working outside these laws. Heraclitus is likely the first example (unless someone more knowledgable can correct me) while we find more modern and very powerful arguments in some of Hegel’s work.
Secondly, that was a bit of rhetorical trickery worthy of Horowitz — the way you sidestepped my comment regarding the politics of the day. What I meant by that — and what I would be surprised to hear you did not understand — is an allusion to the terrifying prospect of the sort of public oversight that demands academic persuits (research, teaching) conform to the ever changing whims of the people. There is a very important difference between exposing the inner workings of the Academe to the light of day, and allowing unqualified people to determine what is and is not a legitimate research persuit (read: Jacques’ comment re: Laws of Thought).
GW, at 3:25 pm EDT on August 23, 2006
GW, WT: Thanks for your posts. I’m beginning to see how effective Horowitz’s higher education reform campaign has been in provoking such exaggerated responses as the two I have just read from you both (for he indeed seems have achieved his “oderint dum metuant” victory here and elsewhere). WT: I’ll try again to take the gold out of Egypt by re-perusing Professor Lazere’s piece. GW: On the Laws of Thought, Heraclitus (not the river allusion, please!), and Hegel (not the dialectical triad—it won’t work!), I fear correction is too ponderous a task. Still, you might peruse a recent short essay by Mark Goldblatt on whether humanists and post-structuralists could even have a basis for discourse. I myself fear there is scant basis for dialogue with reflexive leftists on the need for urgent reform in the academy—"non ragiam’ di lor, ma guarda, et passa.” Ciao, tutti le due
jacques albert, at 4:35 am EDT on August 24, 2006
Thelin and GW basically repeat:
“Please explain why we should expect or even want theorists in whatever discipline to adhere or pay lip service to the laws of thought?”
or either should we require it of Horowitz and his ilk ?
No, let us go forth into chaos and incourage sophomoric with narrow focus and shallow depth of thought, to retreat to a lonely apartment and repeat the tragic failure of Marx. Develop a thick, impenetrable theory (peer reviewed by a few sympathetic fellow revolutionaries) that will not include anyone who does not speak the language of that theory.
Sure, sounds reasonable to any potential tyrant or murderous potential dictator.
Both sides should submit to “daylight” or neither.
Dr. F. Gump, at 4:35 am EDT on August 24, 2006
This is a good discussion. The key issue is what Clark Iverson referred to as student experience “unmolested by critical inquiry.” Universities must, at a minimum, teach students how to question. Without that, there is no academic experience worthy of separation from the rest of society.
There are surely areas regarding which academics of all political views could agree. For example, last year I proposed that all Oregon undergraduates attending schools under the oversight of my office (mainly private and for-profit degree-granters) be required to take courses in American History as part of any associate or bachelor’s degree. The uproar was immediate and unified: such a requirement would interfere with job training because it would replace technical courses. This kind of nonsense could surely attract a bipartisan effort at improvement.
Finally, the whole question of academe being stuffed with liberals is not worth any more discussion than the fact that police departments are stuffed with conservatives. Shall we demand that both be forcibly changed in order to ensure the public good? We cannot pick one profession that serves the public and demand that different kinds of people do that work whether they want to or not, it is all or none. The whole idea is silly.
Alan Contreras, Oregon Degree Authorization, at 12:20 pm EDT on August 24, 2006
Thanks for your probative remarks on the importance of questioning in education, Alan—remarks that you managed to illustrate with one in your message (granted, that merely a false dilemma in interrogative form) just prior to your decree: “We cannot pick one profession that serves the public and demand that different kinds of people do that work whether they want to or not, it is all or none.” Perhaps the implied question here is what to make of the tacked-on clause at the end. My surmise is that it more clearly identifies the previous one as a false dilemma. What say you? Then: “The whole idea is silly.” Could you not have effortlessly followed this with: “QED—class dismissed!"? What questions or critical inquiries (let alone complaints, entreaties, or revelations) could follow that diffident exploratory conclusion? Know that I concur with your emphases on questioning and on critical inquiry, and, consistent with these virtues, I have one last question for you: Does your apparent dismissal of political diversity in academe (liberal—conservative, i.e., not liberal-left—radical-left—extreme left) also include the “different kinds of people” listed in equal opportunity disclaimers? As for your proposal about requiring American history courses of all Oregon undergraduates, I would tentatively agree, though on such a proposal I might have a few questions. Cheers
jacques albert, at 8:25 pm EDT on August 24, 2006
“Finally, the whole question of academe being stuffed with liberals is not worth any more discussion than the fact that police departments are stuffed with conservatives.”
This completely misses the point. Faculties are incapable of teaching students when they ban ideas they dislike personally from classroom presentation. Police do not teach, so your comparison has no value in this context.
JBM, at 2:20 pm EDT on August 25, 2006
Prof. Lazere compares politicians who intrude on academic life to ones who presume to tell surgeons how to perform operations. But it would certainly be legitimate for an elected legislator, in reviewing the budget requests from public hospitals, to take note of institutions that had much higher costs than others, or had patients much less likely to recover from their illnesses. No claims to surgical expertise are required to perform this legislative oversight and the stewardship of the taxpayers’ money.
We have Prof. Lazere’s assurance that academic life is better governed, not by elected legislators reflecting popular but uninformed opinion, but by “standards of professional accreditation (upwards of 10 years graduate study for a Ph.D. and 7 more for tenure), systematic scholarship, and academic discourse. That discourse is based on the principles of reasoned argument, rules of evidence and research procedures, wide reading and experience, an historical perspective on current events, open-minded pursuit of complex, often-unpopular truths, and openness to diverse viewpoints.”
These are the lofty and rigorous standards, however, that guaranteed Ward Churchill lifetime employment at public expense. The conscientious educators at the University of Colorado spent decades contentedly unaware that Prof. Churchill was writing articles under a pseudonym, then quoting those articles to bolster arguments he made in writings under his own name. It was pressure from the lay public, angry over Churchill’s grotesque moronicisms about the people who died in the World Trade Center being “little Eichmanns,” that forced the formal investigation of Churchill’s laughable and shoddy scholarship. No reasonable person can doubt that, in the absence of this popular pressure, Ward Churchill would still be a member in good standing of the clerisy entrusted with promoting systematic scholarship and reasoned argument.
It is scandals like the University of Colorado’s that make people wonder whether American higher education is a high calling or a low racket. The rigorous and lofty standards Prof. Lazere speaks for would, if adhered to, produce universities few could reproach. If they are simply invoked by cynical or self-deluded public employees as a way to tell the taxpayers to keep sending the money and then leave us alone — we’re busy doing noble things you can’t possibly understand or evaluate — then universities can expect lots of the close, critical popular and legislative scrutiny they will have earned.
William Voegeli, Vice President at The Claremont Institute, at 2:20 pm EDT on August 25, 2006
When I earlier alluded to the right wing having no incentive to engage in good faith, I was not specifically aware of the Republican think tank The Claremont Institute, but its Vice President, who would have us accept that the presence of Ward Churchill justifies his version of intellectual Lysenkoism, offers a handy example. There is the real scandal, and not that Churchill can make upsetting or offensive remarks.
Academic freedom means running the risk of having one’s tender ears scandalized by unpopular views. Such risk is not an indictment of academic freedom. Similarly, Ann Coulter making millions off of bile and slander against 9/11 widows is not an indictment of the free enterprise system.
It would be refreshing if the professional propagandists would make claims openly, without resort to insinuation ("high calling or low racket?"). Then they would be subject to the same scrutiny that they preach for those opinions with which they disagree. Insinuation, on the other hand, is not a rational process but is a tacit appeal to preexisting prejudices. Sadly, it has worked marvelously for at least a generation. There you go again.
Until the far right has some incentive to engage in good faith, we can expect no better.
Clark Iverson, Professor of English, at 9:10 am EDT on August 27, 2006
Thanks, I could say, for the (ultimately) revealing exemplification of your announced subject, which you modestly (yet cunningly and eruditely) proposed to us in your message—for only gaping red-state rustics and classroom flaneurs of the profanum vulgus could want the words, “What follows is. . .” before your subject title (I confess it was an Augustinian “tolle, lege!” moment for us); indeed, when the arcanum of your message was at last apparent, Fichte’s “sun-clear” report could not have dazzled us retrograde Hegelians more. . . . Here, a sustained negative example worthy of the mighty Swift in support of William Voegeli’s claims! For, that you quite declined (stunning nolo contendere there!) William Voegeli’s challenge to discuss the whole issue of proper public or legislative oversight of taxpayer-financed institutions sparked by Professor Lazere’s essay at first shocked some of us from our traditionally complacent reliance on ad rem or ad argumentum or cui bono? rather than ad hominem or noscitur a socios (i.e., “who is he and who are his friends?—aha!—Republicans, Claremont Institute, Ann Coulter—well then, Ca se voit! Quid verbis?” followed by the imperial “There it is") appeals just before your magisterial sentencing (the brilliantly climactic anathema sit!) of the “far right” to eternal fire and ever-last—ing pain.Another stumbling-block (scandalum) you cunningly side-stepped (mirabile dictu! for such feigned obtuseness, Professor) is the issue of what relationship obtains between academic freedom and freedom of speech in our institutions of higher learning. And your clever tu quoque counter to WV’s specific mention of Ward Churchill’s academic malpractice invoked the great bogey (Ann Coulter) of a non-academic (!) controversialist whom you say slandered 9/11 widows (here we admiringly also note your deftly ironical expansion of her four to your implied “all"). Would that you now would deliver us such powerful negative exempli in treating other aspects of the “low racket” that you feigned to condemn: metasticizing pseudo-disciplines like “gender (we know this is actually a grammatical term, don’t we?) studies,” “ethnic studies,” “body studies,” “disability studies” and the like?; or the campus entertainment industry that often takes the shape of a criminal underworld (i.e, college sports)?; or the odious speech codes that try to snuff out all unorthodox dissent? However, if your remarks are to be taken otherwise than you have expressed them, Professor Iverson, I think you might try again. Cheers, in friendly opposition, I am, etc.
jacques albert, at 5:45 pm EDT on August 27, 2006
my humble apologies to readers—read: “metastasizing” for what the phonetic Muse dictated to me. Cheers, J.A.
jacques albert, at 4:25 am EDT on August 28, 2006
“Academic freedom means running the risk of having one’s tender ears scandalized by unpopular views.”
This has nothing to do with Churchill’s documented history of systematic and intentional fraud over the course of decades.
JBM, at 7:45 am EDT on August 28, 2006
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Leftist academia is accusing Horowitz of ad hominem attacks?! I’m still laughing.
War is peace and freedom is slavery while you’re at it.
I’ve extricated myself from the abusive cult that is leftist academia, so I’m actually free to speak my mind. And it feels good. And you can’t touch me anymore. The devil himself couldn’t have come up with a more craven evasion. Good job; you must be proud of yourself.
Francesca, at 3:30 pm EDT on August 30, 2007