Search Views


Browse Archives

Views

The Elephant in the Student Aid Office

September 25, 2006

Share This Story

FREE Daily News Alerts

Advertisement

Secretary of Education Margaret Spelling’s Commission on the Future of Higher Education recently released its report titled “A Test of Leadership: Charting the Future of U.S. Higher Education.”  The report contains a series of recommendations built on a year of deliberation by its 19 members. First and foremost is the recommendation that “the U.S. commit to an unprecedented effort to expand higher education access and success by improving student preparation and persistence, addressing non-academic barriers and providing significant increases in aid to low-income students.”

Last week, in an effort to get out ahead of the momentum that is already building for the report and its recommendations, the American Council on Education and the other organizations that make up the “big six” higher education lobbying groups in Washington issued an eight-page letter to their members. 

This document, “Addressing the Challenges Facing American Undergraduate Education,” describes seven “issues and actions” that the organizations expect will result from the issuance of the Spellings commission's report. The first of these actions, echoing the commission’s first recommendation, is “Expanding college access to low-income and minority students.”

According to the six organizations, “The single most effective step to boost college participation of low-income and minority students is to increase substantially the value of Pell grants.”  Pell grants, the centerpiece of the federal government’s efforts to reduce college cost barriers for low- and moderate-income students, is indeed a critical part of the nation’s financial aid system. 

The letter supports the commission’s recommendation to increase the value of the average Pell award from 48 percent of the average in-state tuition at a public 4-year institution to 70 percent within five years.  This is a noble goal, and having the support of the six lobbying groups is critical in helping to persuade Congress and the Bush administration to support it also. ACE’s own calculations demonstrate that such an effort could require almost doubling the current $13 billion budget of the Pell grant program.

The letter also encourages colleges and universities to find ways to control the growth of costs, again echoing a major theme of the Spellings commission. And it encourages the institutions to do a better job providing to students and parents clearer and more accurate information about the true “net price” of college, after taking into account financial aid.

But in all the discussion in the letter about making college more affordable, these organizations ignore the elephant in the room: how colleges and universities spend their own institutional financial aid funds. While an increase in the value of Pell grants will certainly help achieve the objective of expanding postsecondary opportunity for low-income students, the goal could be promoted much more quickly and effectively through the reform of institutional financial aid policies.

In a study I conducted earlier this year for the Wisconsin Center for the Advancement of Postsecondary Education, I examined the distribution of grant awards to undergraduate students.  Using data from the National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, a nationally representative sample of students from the 2003-4 academic year, I looked at what many label “traditional college students” -- those who are still dependents of their parents and attended a single college full-time that year. 

What I found was while colleges and universities provided just over $4 billion in federal grants and $3 billion in state grants to these students, they provided more than $10 billion in grants from their own resources.  The nation’s colleges and universities should be applauded for the effort they make in helping to lower the cost of college by partnering with the federal and state governments to award grants from institutional resources.  

But not all grants are alike. My study found that while 97 percent of all federal grant dollars and 75 percent of all state grant dollars awarded to these students went to those whose parents’ income was below the national median, only 47 percent of all institutional grants were targeted to this same population of students. Over half of the grants awarded by institutions, or $5.5 billion, was awarded to students without any consideration of their or their parents’ financial need. 

This is in contrast to Pell Grants, which are very highly targeted at needy students, and three-quarters of state grants, which also use financial need as the primary criterion for determining eligibility. The lack of means-testing in the awarding of over half the institutional grants, along with broader definitions of “need,” results in a very different distribution of awards as compared to means-tested federal and state grant programs.

There has been much written in the nation about the necessity of helping middle-income students find ways to help pay for college, especially since many of them come from families that are above the eligibility cutoff for federal or state need-based grants. Many institutions have indicated that they are filling that objective through their own institutional grant programs. And while many of these grants do go to students of modest means, the truth is that many go to students who come from families with incomes well above a level that most of us would describe as “modest.”

For example, in 2003-4, institutions awarded more than $2 billion in grant aid to dependent students from families with incomes in excess of $108,000, or approximately twice the median family income of all dependent students in the nation that year. While some may believe that these families deserve help in paying for college, it is difficult to make the argument that this should be a priority in light of the Spellings commission's declaration that its members “are especially troubled by gaps in college access for low-income Americans.” One is hard-pressed to argue that giving $2 billion in grants to students from these upper-income families helps to address the commission’s concerns.

What is particularly troubling is that the letter from ACE and its partner organizations never once lays even a portion of the responsibility for helping lower-income students afford college at the doorstep of the financial aid policies of their member institutions. There is language in the letter, of course, about expanding Pell Grants, and about other “efforts” and “goals” of institutions to improve access for poor students. There is also the announcement of another public service campaign called “Know How To Go” targeted at low-income students (raise your hand if you remember ACE’s “College is Possible” campaign, which was launched in 1997 and sounds awfully similar to “Know How To Go”).

But never does the letter recommend that these institutions conduct an evaluation of their own financial aid programs to determine whether they are working in consort with the goal of expanding access for underserved populations, or whether they are simply rewarding wealthier students who have had many social, financial, and academic advantages in the years before they went to college. 

Rather than focusing solely on public service campaigns, cost-cutting efforts, and new ways of explaining the difference between “sticker price” and “net price,” colleges and universities would be much better off by simply taking this $2 billion and putting it in the hands of low- and moderate-income students. This decision could be made tomorrow, requires no action on the part of the federal government, and would have an immediate impact on the college participation of these students.

The American Council on Education and the other higher education organizations in Washington should be lauded for their attempts to be proactive in supporting the recommendation of the Spellings commission to improve college access for low-income students. But before the organizations and their member institutions ramp up their external public relations and lobbying efforts, they should look inward at their own practices.

Reforming institutional policies so that all financial aid resources are focused on students who truly need them to be able to afford college -- rather than being awarded to students who would attend college anyway -- is an important first step.

Donald E. Heller is associate professor of education and senior research associate in the Center for the Study of Higher Education at Pennsylvania State University in University Park.

See all postings »
Advertisement
Advertisement

Matching Jobs

Comments on The Elephant in the Student Aid Office

  • Posted by Stevens Amidon , Assistant Professor at Indiana Purdue Fort Wayne on September 25, 2006 at 10:15am EDT
  • The assertion that colleges and universities could "simply" address the problem of low-income students by transferring local aid to this underfunded group is quite "simply"--false. The writer ignores the fact that much of this aid comes from endowed funds which often specify exactly how those funds are to be awarded. It's so simple after all.

  • Posted by C.J. on September 25, 2006 at 10:31am EDT
  • Dr. Heller, what would be the impact if the Federal government tied Pell monies to institutional aid performance in some relatively heavy-handed way? For example, what would the aid world look like if institutions could only use Pell grants at all if they at least matched the same percentage of total institutional aid to students whose parents are below the national median income level, or some other, designated and easily measurable threshold? I'm wondering about the impact on the current regime, as well as on the regime if aid is expanded as your article suggests. I'm also wondering about potential downsides; in your estimation, would something like this do more harm than good? Are there ways to mitigate any harm it would do?

  • Responses - I
  • Posted by Don Heller , Professor at Major research university on September 25, 2006 at 1:50pm EDT
  • Professor Amidon: It is easy to blame endowed funds for the problem I describe in this piece. Everybody has stories about the donor who leaves a bequest to endow a scholarship for "Left-handed women with red hair majoring in anthroplogy from Centre County." And of course, the one person that year who qualifies happens to be from a wealthy family. But these anecdotes don't make up the bulk of endowed scholarships that universities have. Most are much more flexible, and if universities choose to consider financial need, in addition to the merit criteria dictated by the donor, they often can. Institutions can also try to shape donations in a fashion that meets both the donor's interests, as well as the institution's goals. For example, here at Penn State, our Board a few years back embarked on a $100M campaign to raise new scholarship funds, with the proviso that the money had to go to students with financial need. I find it hard to believe that the problem of $2 billion going to wealthy students is caused by donors' designations alone, or even in great part.
    -----------
    C.J: Very good points. Mike McPherson and Morty Schapiro, in their books and articles, have floated the idea of a "Super Pell." This would be an add-on to the standard Pell grant that would be restricted to those institutions that agree to use their own institutional funds in a manner consistent with the purpose and function of the Pell program, i.e., as I describe in this piece. However, any discussion of the federal government dictating (or trying to influence) how institutions spend their own aid has been vigorously fought by the higher education lobbying groups.

  • Posted by DLD on September 26, 2006 at 3:50pm EDT
  • I work in marketing for a large southern university. We would love to shift all our financial aid to need-based scholarships, as we are serious about increasing access and diversity. But we haven't figured out a way not to be caught up in the national "quality" game. We feel forced to "buy" high achieving students and have to pay them well to attend our institution. If we don't give them merit scholarships, they'll go where they can get them. Somehow, the administration, faculty and alumni are not willing for the institution to sink in the quality game and be stuck with 3rd-rate reputation. And those on top of the quality game are playing because they want to stay on top. This is the situation that has to be fixed before well-intentioned institutions can be empowered to do the right thing and shift more resources to need-based scholarships. However, I'm afraid that the Pandora's box of quality competition has already been opened, and as long as we work in a system where all institutions are competing with each other for coveted resources (high-achieving students and donations), I don't see how we can get off that treadmill. Any ideas?

  • Responses - II
  • Posted by Don Heller , Professor at Pennsylvania State University on September 26, 2006 at 8:20pm EDT
  • DLD - A very good point, and one that gets raised often when the topic of merit aid comes up. You are absolutely correct that many institutions feel that they are in a competitive "arms" race, and merit aid is the weapon of choice to try to attract desirable students. Reminds me of my days as an undergraduate political science major way back when, before the fall of the Soviet Union (okay, way before the fall of the Soviet Union) and the doctrine being debated was "mutually assured destruction." In the same fashion, it may be a race to the bottom for institutions that discount a larger and larger percentage of their tuition revenue to try to attract these desirable students.

    One positive note in the attempt to ratchet down this arms race is the effort of a number of institutions that are attempting to de-emphasize the use of merit aid and revert back to financial need as the key criterion (or at least, a criterion in addition to merit) in the awarding of institutional grants. Dickinson College and Rhodes College, I believe, are two examples of this. I would hope that their efforts can help inspire others to reexamine their own policies. The fact that Harvard’s recent decision to abandon early action was followed by similar announcements from its competitors is a sign that higher education institutions do watch one another.

    The other sign of hope is the work of Lloyd Thacker and the Education Conservancy (http://www.educationconservancy.org). You should check out their website to see the good work they are doing in trying to address the problem of over-competitiveness in the market for students, from both the institutional as well as the student side of things.

  • Posted by DLD on September 27, 2006 at 11:00am EDT
  • Thank you, Dr. Heller, I look forward to checking out the reference you suggested.

  • Merit issues
  • Posted by Rupert Wilkinson , Professor at University of Sussex (UK) on October 11, 2006 at 5:35am EDT
  • Intense dislike of institutional merits led me to write my history and modern analysis of financial aid, AIDING SUDENTS, BUYING STUDENTS (Vanderbilt UP, 2005), so I have much sympathy, Don, for your position and and respect for your extremely useful research. Unfortunately the situation is more complicated than even you indicate. Critics of merits have always been more vocal publicly than defenders and practitioners (my book gathers together the pros and cons in a fictional debate between Mike Merit and Alison Antimerit). And unfortunately for reform, merits often do not cost as much money as their face value would indicate, especially when fine tuned and related to yield by the techniques of enrollment management. For the many institutions that are underenrolled, both merits and need-related aid can increase enrollment and net revenue, though, true, they can also get caught up in desperate price cutting that reduces net revenue. For more selective institutions that are not underenrolled, merits -- like 'merit within need' preferential packaging of need-based aid -- can enable the institution to enroll more well-prepared, well-financed students and fewer academically weaker students with high and expensive financial need. For both types of institutions, especially private ones, merits can be tied into complex, yield-based discounting policies that seek to 'optimize' net revenue within various enrollment goals,including student 'quality' and some diversity.

    This said, there are enrollment people like DLD above, who dislike the merit arms race (alms race?) and would like to cut back if only the competition would too. For that reason, I propose in my book's concluding chapter a liberalizing of the antitrust statutes governing college coooperation on financial aid, so that more colleges can agree to limit merits. Retaining SOME merits, however, may have public value: McPherson and Schapiro, that doughty duo of financial-aid research and thinking, have repeatedly, if reluctantly, claimed that merits distribute talent down the college pecking order, as each tier below the top offers merits to student who would not get them the next tier up. That proposition,. however, has not been researched (and in the case of state merits it seems to concentrate talent at more prestigious state universities, according to research by Christopher Cornwell and David Mustard at the University of Georgia).

    Rupert Wilkinson

  • Responses — III
  • Posted by Don Heller , Professor at Pennsylvania State University on October 11, 2006 at 9:35am EDT
  • Professor Wilkinson -- Thanks for your comment. Your book was a valuable contribution to our understanding of the history of financial aid in the country. I hope that I did not come across in my article as being in favor of getting rid of all merit aid. When properly used, and appropriately targeted, it may be in the best interests of both the institution as well as the national goal of promoting educational opportunity for underserved populations of students.

    However, what I tried to emphasize is that huge sums of money are going to students from very high income families. These students very often benefit from all the advantages accorded in our society during their elementary and secondary school years, including the best K-12 schools, supportive parents, private college counseling, and test prep courses. And even with all the financial resources available to them, they are getting discounts on the price of college, while students from lower- and middle-income families are struggling to find the money to attend. In the WISCAPE study I referenced in the article, I found that 19% of all students from families with income above $164,000 - which puts them in the 95th percentile of all families – received a grant from their institution. And over half of those attending a private institution full-time received a grant.

    I have acknowledged in the past that some may argue that even these families may need some assistance in paying for college, especially if they have two or more children attending expensive private institutions. But I have also suggested that from the perspective of public policy it is reasonable to ask these families to borrow if they are short on cash. Given the financial resources available to these families (remember – if the colleges use federal methodology, the value of the parents’ primary home and retirement accounts are not "taxed" in calculating the effective family contribution), I think it is very reasonable to say to them, "Our institution is going to concentrate its aid resources on students who are more financially needy than your child."