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Today, Harvard. Tomorrow ... ?

It may seem strange for me, an ordinary mortal, to be defending Harvard’s $34 billion endowment. But we all know the way government works: today it’s Harvard, tomorrow it’s my $34 billion or maybe my 1993 Lexus. Because our government, acting through the Senate Finance Committee, has started to reach into private pockets, where it does not belong.

A college endowment belongs to the college and the fact that it may be extremely large is no one’s business. Unfortunately, there are people who feel otherwise. There is a mindset that believes that the granting of a tax exemption entitles the government to control how the resources of the nonprofit sector are to be spent. This raises questions about the compact made with the American people when the income tax was first imposed. There were understandings at the time, one of which was that nonprofit institutions carrying out charitable functions would be exempted from the income tax.

It was never envisioned that the tax exemption would be used as a club to beat such organizations into submission to new policy directives. And if we are going to change any part of the relationship, then we must reexamine all aspects of the compact, comprehensively.

Americans do not believe that everything belongs to the government. Quite the contrary, we believe the government is an instrument of our will and not the reverse. That being the case, it is perfectly in order to ask why the fruits of one’s labor should belong, even in part, to the government. In fact, one can propose that there is an element of seizure associated with the IRS taking a portion of a person’s salary check, before the remainder ever reaches the worker.

We can take this unrestrained examination of assumptions a step further: if indeed Americans are to be taxed to pay for expenditures for the common good, why not tax wealth instead of work? In point of fact, the Senate Finance Committee eyeing Harvard’s $34 billion is conceptually no different from its looking at everybody else’s bank account.

Everyone has benefited to one degree or another from a tax exemption. The tax code has been structured in a way that uses tax exemptions to implement social policy. If some billionaire survived in his early years on welfare, or was able to save up for his initial investment because he received a tax exemption for his children, could we not envision a grasping political jurisdiction trying to make the case that it should be a partner in the good years as well? Government seeking to work its will, supported by a society almost overwhelmed by all those needing help, can make a powerful case for itself, and with sufficient public support reach into the private fortunes of individual Americans. It is certainly not inconceivable that we will in our lifetime hear people piously mouthing the question “‘if we tax work, why not tax wealth?”’

At this moment, the members of the Senate Finance Committee are not directly threatening to tax Harvard’s endowment but simply to pressure it into spending some of it. This is therefore the time we, and Harvard, should tell the honorable members of the committee that as long as Harvard is fulfilling its responsibilities as a nonprofit entity, the question of how — and whether — it spends its money is none of their business.

If we do allow it to become the business of Senate Finance, we can expect people in Washington to ask, “why just tuition?”, “Why not ask Harvard to spend its money for a whole variety of worthy purposes?” “Why is reducing tuition for the children of extremely well-to-do families a public good?” Are we prepared for widespread discussion as to which public purposes Harvard’s endowment money should go?

The “all money belongs to government” thesis has a powerful corollary: a tax exemption is a tax expenditure. And this has an outcome that currently affects all nonprofit organizations — the use of the IRS form 990 to promote transparency. Only we aren’t talking about transparency: the correct word is exposure, including all the embarrassing synonyms for this word in the desk thesaurus.

The 990 form at one time was intended to help the IRS carry out its enforcement responsibilities. No one ever objected to revealing all to the IRS. Later, the 990 became public, but this was at a time before the Internet. Getting access to someone’s 990 form was not particularly easy and people with excess time on their hands looked for other areas of amusement.

No longer. Detailed and sometimes embarrassing information about individuals whose only transgression is to support an unpopular cause can be front and center on computer screens all across the world.

(Is it anyone’s business that I am an officer of the Greater National Arachnid Welfare Society (GNAWS)? My employer should not be able to pressure me, no matter how subtly, to leave, nor should anyone know how much GNAWS has to pay to hire an effective executive director.)

The very publication of the form 990 is troubling. America is not a nation where compliance with the law depends on people monitoring each other. The IRS should not be seeking to improve accountability by encouraging the public to inspect 990s and to report problems to the IRS.

Why should every nonprofit be expected to describe its mission to the public? We at GNAWS are perfectly happy to describe our mission to people prepared to support our noble work. But why do we owe a mission statement to anyone else, other than the IRS?

And why should non profits have to describe “their three most significant activities,” even to the IRS? Is the IRS in a position to judge what is and what is not significant? Certainly the IRS can expect that an organization fulfill its original mission. But why the additional intrusion? And again why the publication of what could be quite controversial and embarrassing to everyone associated with a not-for-profit organization? Why the questions regarding governance? Is there a new orthodoxy to which all nonprofits will have to subscribe?

It is important for America as a nation that non profits that advocate unpopular views, also survive. People who volunteer their time as directors, governors, officers and trustees to such groups, should not be hurt as a result of their service. So why all the questions regarding these categories?

Why must tax-exempt groups report certain employees’ compensation on their 990 forms even though the IRS has this information from previous years’ 1040 forms?

What kind of judgment can the public make about the compensation of key employees without appropriate context? Should we expect nonprofits to justify occupying expensive quarters? Or hiring a first rate public relations staff?

From the point of view of those who view tax exemption as a tax expenditure, there is really no limit to how far government can intrude. The rest of us must speak up, and must resist, respectfully but firmly. And we must carefully define the boundaries of the interaction between government and the thoroughly private, and independent, nonprofit sector. Or we may ultimately all receive mail from Senate Finance….

Bernard Fryshman is an accreditor and a professor of physics.

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Comments

I disagree

You said it in your first couple paragraphs:

“There were understandings at the time, one of which was that non profit institutions carrying out CHARITABLE FUNCTIONS would be exempted from the income tax.”

(emphasis mine) This is not Congress saying the endowment “belongs to the government” as you so overdramatically imply this is Congress, which granted tax exemption to Harvard on the basis of their doing X, checking to make sure Harvard is in fact doing X.

James, at 9:35 am EDT on June 19, 2008

Harvard’s endowment

I agree with you. The gov’t. should keep out of private tax-exempt organizations. HOWEVER, how can Harvard have a clean conscience if ANY of their students are receiving any federally supported financial aid when Harvard could very easily pay the equivalent and never know the difference? It’s a question of corporate conscience. On the other hand, do we know if any of their students actually receive publicly supported financial aid? And one could make similar, but not as compelling, arguments about research funds.

readerx, at 9:40 am EDT on June 19, 2008

Professor Fryshman raises entirely sensible questions.

The reason for the question is not about non-profit. The reason is the federal tax benefits we, the people, accord these institutions. In exchange for a public subsidy, all we ask is an explanation of the public benefit arising from the subsidies. If that wealth is increasing, is the public benefit increasing? One loud sector of the endowments/nonprofits debate presumed that non-profit status is choice institutions are free to make as a right, not a responsibility.

The question Senator Grassley and the Senate Finance Committee keep asking is blessedly simple: What is the public good arising from the public subsidies you receive?

The temperature is the debate is rising for reasons equally simple. First, the wealthy nonprofits take as a first line of defense that the U.S. Senate has no right to ask. Second, wealthy institutions and their advocates suggest that measuring success is either impossible period or impossible for the rest of us to understand. I’ve read some of the institutional replies to the Finance Committee from wealthy colleges and universities. Regardless of whether I agree with their views, in tone, in argument, in evidence, the replies wouldn’t earn even a C grade from any college expository writing teacher I know.

Somewhere, these self-described elites and leaders of society have the idea that the best defense is to defy and insult not just the U.S. Senate Finance Committee but also the intelligence of the American people. My many accredited courses in U.S. history at the fine institutions I was fortunate enough to attend demonstrated to me that in this country, this would be a dumb strategy, however just my cause.

What’s equally troubling is that describing the public good is not difficult, making the failure of these institutions to try all the more baffling. Just for the sake of argument, even I could make a better case for Harvard than Harvard makes for itself, and I’m not even a Harvard graduate.

The trustees of these wealthy institutions have brought this heat on themselves. Williams College tore down a solid brick student center and built another one even though the campus has plenty of comfortable space. When I have raised this, an irate trustee told me that the old center was worn out and the new one much nicer. Just look at all the students happy in the new center. I am sure the new center is more comfortable. The public issue isn’t comfort; it’s whether these trustees should have federally subsidized upgrades from coach to first class. When single mothers at community colleges in the U.S. lack $100 for a biology textbook, are such trustees using their federal subsidies responsibly? Williams is now completing a humanities center. I’m sure it’s lovely, but is it the proper use of a federal subsidy? Had the trustees chosen to erect, say, housing for single mothers and adult students short on lucky breaks, such as the less wealthy Smith College did years ago, I’d have no complaint about the tax subsidy. Adding fifty or even a hundred of these non-traditional students would put no strain whatsoever on Williams’ academic resources. These are examples from just one college.

Imprudent spending of public subsidies by the trustees of these wealthy institutions has brought on these questions from the public and the U.S. Senate. But even those who defend such spending of public subsidies should know that bit of simple courtesy and respect for the institution of the U.S. Senate, if not for Senators themselves, and this inquiry would never have begun.

Wick Sloane, at 9:55 am EDT on June 19, 2008

Bernard Fryshman on Harvard Endowment and Federal Scrutiny

The national headquarters and CEO of United Way of America was subjected to federal scrutiny in the late 1980s — and for good reason. Its CEO had used substantial amounts of money inappropriately for salary, condos, trips, etc. Comparable abuses can take place in other non-profit organizations. Yes, it is the public’s justifiable concern to know the salary of non profit Executive Directors. And, accepting a tax exemption whether on endowments or land holdings, carries with it responsibilities for stewardship and public accountability. Some colleges and universities have understandably brought on increased external concern about their activities and resources as they have extended into a range of new commercial ventures and so-called “UBIT” enterprises and activities. In many cities as well as smaller communities a college or university is often the largest employer,landlord, and land owner. Might not this “bigness” warrant public concern?

John Thelin, Professor at University of Kentucky, at 9:55 am EDT on June 19, 2008

Tax exemptions

I think the author missed the real point. Every dollar that someone contributes to Harvard and takes as a tax exemption, means that I (and everyone else) have to pay more taxes. Is it really in the country’s best interest to treat contributions to Harvard’s $34 billion endowment just like a contribution to flood relief in the American Red Cross? When we do away with tax exemptions for contributions to wealthy private colleges, then I will agree that the government has no business there.

Thad, at 10:15 am EDT on June 19, 2008

If this is the best case that colleges can make, then they are probably in big trouble. The author tries to make the case that college wealth should not be taxed by saying that private individuals don’t want their wealth taxed. But private individuals have their income taxed. They also have their capital gains taxed. And there’s an estate tax on their wealth when they pass away. In addition, corporations pay tax on their income.

So, if the author doesn’t want college wealth to be taxed, then let’s tax college income. Let’s tax every last red cent. The tuition payments, the fees, the overpriced housing and food, the donations. It’s all income.

Colleges are not charitable organizations. They are aggressive businesses that charge an arm and a leg for their services. And they should be treated as such.

There will always be people who agree with the author of this editorial. Especially among college administrators and other people who financially benefit when colleges make money. But I have a feeling that the rest of the world — including most taxpayers and most students — will agree with my view.

No Sucker Left Behind, at 10:30 am EDT on June 19, 2008

Wealth and Shame

Dr. Fryshman’s comments are always worth reading and this column is no exception. I agree with much of it, not because I think Harvard is behaving appropriately but because I distrust the government to do better and I expect it to do worse.

Sure, Harvard and some other blindingly rich schools should be ashamed to charge tuition to most of their students when it would be socially and morally better not to. But don’t lose sight of the basic point of the essay: do we want the federal government deciding what is and isn’t socially and morally good?

In general, no. Certainly there are extreme cases in which a “nonprofit” has turned into a personal milking machine for unscrupulous perps, but these are rare. Those of us who work in higher education should disdain Harvard and other places that we think are losing sight of their purpose, but we should not invite the IRS to plunder the school just because we don’t like the school’s policies.

Let us instead hide in the imperfect thickets of the law as Thomas More advised in “A Man For All Seasons.” The Crimson One may be in there with us, but what protects him will also protect us. I hope Bernie and St. Thomas will allow an atheist to join them.

But Bernie, arachnids? Arachnids? I had thought you to be a man of standards.

Alan Contreras, Eugene, Oregon, at 11:40 am EDT on June 19, 2008

A compact involves give AND take

“And if we are going to change any part of the relationship, then we must reexamine all aspects of the compact, comprehensively". If it’s a compact, then both parties have the right to ask whether their part of the bargain is being fulfilled. Any organization with $34 billion in the bank is inherently different from a local church charity, and it’s a little specious to pretend otherwise.

Chris, Librarian at Wofford College, at 12:15 pm EDT on June 19, 2008

Endowment Spending

“At this moment, the members of the Senate Finance Committee are not directly threatening to tax Harvard’s endowment but simply to pressure it into spending some of it.”

The Senate Finance Committee, and I suppose the rest of the senators, seem to be dumbfound that any entity has the self-restraint not to spend billions of dollars if it’s available to them. This says more about congressional spending habits than it does Harvard’s. If you’ve got it, (or even if you don’t), spend it. The fact that the endowment grew to over $30 billion before the senate seemed to notice also says more about the senate’s fiscal mindset than Harvard’s. Any amount less is chump change to the big spenders on Capitol Hill. I’d much rather congress show the spending restraint exhibited by Harvard than Harvard adopt the spending habits exhibited by congress.

justaguy, parent & taxpayer, at 1:35 pm EDT on June 19, 2008

This is not the government “reach[ing] intoprivate pockets.'’ Nonprofit status is granted for organizations essentially doing the government’s work. Tax exempt status for an organization is equivalent to the government giving that organization money; then the organization is no longer private and it is the government’s business how its money is spent.

Ralph deLaubenfels, at 4:05 pm EDT on June 19, 2008

I think the crucial point is this sentence: “This is therefore the time we, and Harvard, should tell the honorable members of the committee that as long as Harvard is fulfilling its responsibilities as a nonprofit entity, the question of how — and whether — it spends its money is none of their business.” (The emphasis added is mine).

In general, the argument centers on what is Harvard’s mission. If you believe it should be to provide an education to a large number of wealthy students, then it certainly is fulfilling that goal. If, however, you think that these elite private schools that have been able to use beneficial government tax treatment to amass large amounts of wealth also ought to fulfill a role providing greater access to students, then Harvard is falling short of its mission and does require greater scrutiny.

A college education is an incredibly important tool for social mobility and elite colleges have a societal responsibility to provide access to more individuals than just wealthy children.

I, for one, am in favor of a heightened spending requirement, though not for any old purpose. Schools should not just spend for the sake of hitting a target, but they should take these funds and put them toward fulfilling an element of their mission — locating, recruiting, and retaining low-income students. Hoping to increase socioeconomic diversity simply through expanded aid packages is not proactive enough to achieve this goal. Sometimes a little more pressure is needed to get schools to fulfill their mission.

Ben Miller, at 5:30 pm EDT on June 20, 2008

Today Harvard — Endowment Scrutiny

The comments in response to Prof Bernard Fryshman have been thoughtful, inforfmed — and for the most part, pointing out the dubious logic of his argument.

And in re-reading his piece, I wonder if one of the essential flaws is his opening description of himself as an “ordinary mortal.” That’s an interesting argumentive strategy — but, at heart, I do not think he really means or believes that. He thinks he is special and he thinks Harvard is special. Both may be true — but it might also men that special standing requires more — not less — scrutiny in logic and law.

If this were sumo wrestling, he would understand by custom he should retire from the ring for such a defeat to avoid further dishonor to the cosmos of reasoned argument.

John Thelin, Professor at University of Kentucky, at 2:30 pm EDT on June 21, 2008

harvard’s endowment...

if it walks like a duck...blah, blah, blah. as a premier nonprofit organization, harvard should be hard-pressed to justify the hoarding of $34B in their endowment when the american taxpayer is being asked over and over to shell out more and more. if harvard wants to stay true to their mission AND keep their nonprofit status, then they should start acting like it. the mission of harvard (or any other higher ed institution) is NOT hoarding assets, it’s service to the citizens who depend on an educated workforce and electorate. the combined asset value of the top 785 colleges and universities is over $411B; combine that with foundation assets of over $530B and you’re bumping almost ONE TRILLION DOLLARS. No entity or industry, no matter how noble their mission, should be able to hoard almost $1T, especially when the american taxpayer is being squeezed. The mission of the nonprofit world is to give back, not hold back. Make this effort voluntary; if endowments and foundation would give just.001, then $941M could be disbursed. Call it a tax, a fee, whatever; but too many hard-working, responsible tax-payers have been getting nailed through the estate tax, and this, along with some fiscal restraint from congress, would provide some relief

steffan cress, at 2:10 pm EDT on June 25, 2008

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