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What Higher Ed Can Learn From the Obama Campaign

July 28, 2008

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Among the most striking phenomena associated with Barack Obama’s successful bid for the Democratic nomination has been his ability to attract young people to the political process. Youthful volunteers have staffed his campaign. They have used Internet skills to advance his candidacy and build his organization. They have even been among the thousands of small donors who have contributed to his record-breaking fund-raising efforts. In state after state, their support for Obama during the primaries significantly exceeded his margins among voters from other age groups.

The success of the Obama campaign refutes the oft-repeated notion that young people today are uninterested in national politics and are less ready than older generations of Americans to become responsible stewards of our democratic institutions. This resurgence of youthful activism delivers an important message for our colleges and universities.

The disengagement of young people from our country’s political processes after the 1960s has been well documented. Many studies have shown that during the last three decades of the 20th century, young Americans demonstrated less interest in public affairs than had previous generations, and also were less well informed about political and public policy matters, and less likely to vote.

The withdrawal of young people from active interest in public affairs paralleled reduced attention to citizenship by our colleges and universities. While higher education has long claimed as a core mission preparing students for democratic participation, it is a mission honored in recent years mainly in the rhetoric of college catalogs. Few campuses today provide organized or explicit programming with this focus, either inside or outside the curriculum. Most of our academic institutions address this matter only indirectly, by fostering the intellectual skills and qualities -- critical thinking, habits of reading and information gathering, broad interest in the social world -- that studies have shown relate to heightened levels of political participation.

It was not always this way. In the years after World War II, when patriotic sentiment was strong, academics paid extensive attention to the ways in which the undergraduate curriculum could promote appreciation of the ideas, values and experiences that constituted the shared cultural heritage of the country, a movement symbolized by Harvard’s famous report, "General Education in a Free Society." Many institutions established requirements in American history and Western political and social thought. A new emphasis on international studies reflected the country’s emergence as a global power. Outside the curriculum, there was a heightened focus on the ways in which student government could be a vehicle for teaching undergraduates the ways of democratic decision making.

During the 1960s, however, attention to active citizenship fell victim to the anti-governmental impulses inspired by the war in Vietnam. By the end of that decade, academe was far more concerned with promoting the kind of intellectual independence associated with dissent than with helping students understand the workings of democracy. In curricular terms, not much has changed since the 1960s. Indeed, the emphases of recent years on multiculturalism and world history have rendered special attention to a shared American culture or to American history passé or even objectionable from the perspective of many academics.

It would be unfair to blame academe entirely for the disengagement of young people from our political life. Many factors have been involved, not least the many unappealing qualities of contemporary political practice. But higher education, by abandoning attention to preparation for citizenship, has been an enabler of this pattern. In recent years, however, a growing number of educators have expressed concern about our continuing inattention to this matter. Individuals such as Derek Bok, former president of Harvard, and academic organizations including the Association of American Colleges and Universities have argued that we need to revitalize our traditional concern for citizenship education. Organizations such as Campus Compact and indeed the whole service learning movement are promoting civic engagement among college students, although these efforts are typically focused on community service rather than electoral politics.

The students who have responded so enthusiastically to Senator Obama’s campaign are making it clear that they are ready for renewed attention to our democratic institutions by our colleges and universities. It is inevitable, whatever the final outcome of the election, that the heightened interest in politics shown by young people will translate into a heightened receptivity to programming by colleges and universities focused on these matters. Higher education should seize this opportunity.

Not everyone will welcome renewed efforts by colleges and universities to promote political participation. Some, mainly outside academe, worry that higher education’s tendency toward liberal politics is already turning many college classes into indoctrination sessions; those who harbor such worries will not readily trust our campuses to avoid partisanship. Others, mainly inside academe, worry that an explicit focus on strengthening democracy will quickly devolve into nationalistic boosterism.

But recent work by thoughtful academics, most notably through the Political Engagement Project, sponsored by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, have shown that collegiate programs focused on active citizenship can heighten political awareness and foster greater understanding and participation without greatly affecting the political inclinations of participating students or abandoning an appropriately critical perspective on our country’s policies. Boks’s study outlines a number of ways -- through required course work, extra curricular activities, sponsored events and speakers, and presidential leadership -- that colleges and universities can responsibly promote thoughtful political participation.

Individual institutions should craft their own responses to this moment of opportunity. Institutional characteristics such as scale, complexity, mission, location and educational philosophy will suggest the most fruitful approach to citizenship education in particular contexts. The first requirement of progress, therefore, must be engagement of the campus community -- faculty and staff -- in thinking about how citizenship education can most effectively be pursued. But local approaches will need to address some shared objectives.

The first of these is understanding. It is hard to imagine how an institution can claim to prepare its students for active citizenship if they are allowed to graduate with no knowledge of American history or of our political and economic institutions. The widespread absence of requirements in these areas is an embarrassment to higher education. A second challenge is motivation. Campus plans should seek ways to foster an abiding sense of the value and importance of civic engagement. In this area we have much to build on, given the inspiring surge in social activism among many young people. A final challenge is skill. We need to help students develop the capacity to use the vehicles available to citizens to influence the political process effectively. And we need to think about how to use the entire institution -- both the curriculum and the extra-curriculum -- to meet these challenges.

These will not be easy discussions. They will compel us to think about things we have found difficult, such as requiring students to study certain subjects and treating extra curricular life in a systemic way as part of the educational process. But if we can’t find ways to address these issues, we should perhaps abandon the pretense that our mission includes the preparation of citizens. I hope we will not do that. The country needs us to respond differently. It is time for academia to reassert our historic role in preserving and strengthening our democracy by helping our students appreciate what it is about and how it works. The young people turning out in droves to vote in the 2008 primaries are calling us to pay attention to this issue.

Richard Freeland is the Jane and William Mosakowski Distinguished Professor of Higher Education at Clark University and president emeritus of Northeastern University.

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Comments on What Higher Ed Can Learn From the Obama Campaign

  • Posted by Robert Benedetti , Jacoby Center for Public Leadership and Civic Leadership at University of the Pacific on July 28, 2008 at 7:40am EDT
  • These are points well taken. I wonder, however, if the academy should also reflect on its internal democratic institutions and the way they serve as exemplars and opportunities for participation for their students, faculty, and staff. In addition to classes that provide skills, encounters, and content and community exposures that uncover democracy in action, campus institutions can generate both models and a practicum for democracy. Could "shared governance" and student government be renewed to point beyond themselves toward greater levels of engagement in the wider society?

  • What of Workplace Democracy?
  • Posted by Karin Foster on July 28, 2008 at 9:10am EDT
  • Should higher ed. foster in students also a concern for workplace democracy? It's where future graduates will spend at least one-third of their lives. That is the place where people of color and women (and the workplace is also the home) will be most empowered.

    I've been an adjunct in a for-profit university Gen. Ed. department. The corporation and the state were in cozy. I heard full-time colleagues complain of a lack of faculty governance while the State looked the other way on that score at accreditation time. One faculty member called it a "private tyranny" imposing the heaviest teaching load in all academia and constantly eroding faculty autonomy.

    How can a for-profit faculty teach democratic participation in such a context? At meetings the constant "charge" was that of preparing students for the workplace, not citizenship. That meant teaching attitudes and skills useful to employers but not those by which workers could make decisions in proportion to the degree they were affected.

    So to what kind of educational institution does this article refer? Ones that prepare students to be high-level managers, lawyers, business owners, physicians, academics, and other such professionals?

    If you're a business owner, a Wall Street broker, a corporate executive, or lobbyist for the above, then democracy is something you do all the time. If you're a worker it's only to be practiced "on your own time"? So women and other workers don't own ALL their own time the way their betters do?

    The article refers to 1960s dissent against government. Actually it was dissent against Big Business, the Power behind the government. It was Big Business that fomented the draft and had its adventure in Vietnam. This is the tradition of "Liberal Democracy" stemming from the origins of the U.S. Is that the democratic citizenship for which we are to train students? To participate within confines acceptable to corporations?

    I think there may be considerable class bias built into this editorial. It wants education to improve the way democracy works from the top down. It seems uninterested in democracy from the bottom up. To mention this last would be already to violate the rule of teaching from "the center" so as to avoid indoctrination. Very clever this indoctrinating system, especially if Obama and his less-than progressive economic and foreign policy advisers are in this campaign to restore a more "democratic" balance between ruling class factions.

  • Indoctrination is not the answer
  • Posted by Carnky Old Prof on July 28, 2008 at 9:35am EDT
  • Prof. Freeland writes: "In the years after World War II, when patriotic sentiment was strong, academics paid extensive attention to the ways in which the undergraduate curriculum could promote appreciation of the ideas, values and experiences that constituted the shared cultural heritage of the country,..."

    It was not all that long from "the years after World War II" to the 1960s. It will not do to simply attribute the failure of citizenship education to the government's bungling of the Viet Nam War. The simple fact is that the effort Prof. Freeland valorizes failed because it was, to put it bluntly, a naked attempt at political indoctrination. It was rejected because it was hollow, not because of any one political event.

    College students then, as now, will not respond well to being lectured at about their democratic responsibilities, especially in the face of such obvious and rampant corruption of the system by anti-rational corporate and ideological forces.

    Democratic citizens do have responsibilities, but the democratic system itself, in return, must enable the exercise of those responsibilities to have a measurable effect on what the system does. Obama inspires young people (like college lectures never did) because he promises a return to some semblance of effective democracy (though I have my doubts that he will have the power to effect such a change).

    What American students is not more lectures, but more evidence that what people actually want counts.

  • Democracy v. Big Business
  • Posted by RJS on July 28, 2008 at 9:45am EDT
  • Just to second Karin Foster's point above, it is worth noting that the similarities between the actual policies of Obama and McCain are not accidental: five of their biggest campaign contributors are the same (and they're all in high finance), namely Goldman Sachs, UBS AG, JP Morgan Chase, Citigroup, and Lehman Brothers (see www.opensecrets.org for more information on campaign contributions). This is not a new development; much the same was true of Bush and Kerry. So disaffection with party politics seems to me like a perfectly reasonable response to the fact that the two parties are, on every important issue, identical: Big Business Party #1 and Big Business Party #2. Flipping a coin to choose a king is not democracy, even though the king always claims to represent the interests of the people. Democracy would be when regular people, rather than a tiny minority of rich people, directly control the day-to-day management of their collective life.

  • Assumptions
  • Posted by Retro on July 28, 2008 at 9:55am EDT
  • There are several assumptions/conclusions made in this article that I am not sure the evidence warrents.

    1. Who says students today are more activist?

    It is true that students in the sixties did not participate in the usual, mainstream civic lesson, democratic way. I would argue however, that protests, sit ins, even moving to Canada, etc. certainly were a form of participation.

    Further, the "increased activity" among the todays students is mostly internet activity, which just proves that they spend more of their time online than do other generations. The internet is the medium not the message. One might conclude that if available in the 1960's, students then would have been using the internet as well.

    2. Why the language around "irresponsible" academics who voice dissent vs. those "Thoughtful Academics" who participate in the civic's project.

    The bias of the author is evident. Those who dissent are responsible in a way that puts their lives on the line. I imagine some "thought" may have been given.

  • Patriotic dissent
  • Posted by edulinks on July 28, 2008 at 12:20pm EDT
  • Retro:

    I think the assumption in #1 is that since the peak of student activism in the 1960s to early 70s, youth participation had dropped off steadily through the 80s and 90s. It is only recently (~2004) that the number of young people voting has turned around. The data I've seen supports this trend and suggests the current generation will be more involved than the prior one (x or generation "me").

    So why are we young people running out to vote? It certainly isn't overwhelming faith in the political systems that produced Bush & Reid! Perhaps its a disconnect between the news we can find online (even through official channels) and the news we see on TV, or perhaps its the gap between rhetoric and the actual words in the laws they write.

    Mostly, I agree with the comments suggesting we can only choose between two sides of the same corrupt coin. Young people have thrown their support behind Obama and even Ron Paul, literally "hoping" for "change." I think there will be great disappointment from the youth with Obama when he begins work for his corporate sponsors - and there's no re-education program that can undo this growing patriotic dissent.

  • I don't disagree...
  • Posted by Retro on July 28, 2008 at 1:55pm EDT
  • Edulinks that voter participation was way down. I do disagree that voter participation is the only or major way that one can participate.

  • Education/citizenship
  • Posted by George T. Karnezis on July 29, 2008 at 3:25pm EDT
  • While one might quibble with the somewhat (by now) cliched view of the "60's" as toxic to citizenship in the young, the general insight here is spot on: too many of us are ignorant of our history, and especially of the often contentious development of "democracy," whose virtues are too often seen as largely reducible to the alleged material benefits of capitalism.

    Some of the comments here are especially welcome for their emphasis on the despicable exploitive workplace practices in many schools, as well as for noting the debased forms of "democracy" that are practiced both in and out of universities where corporate and market "values" are of questionable influence.

    The summer '09 Annual Meeting of The Society for Values in Higher Education (SVHE)will address many of these issues where our theme will be The University and the Marketplace. Information about this meeting and a call for papers will be available soon at www.svhe.org